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THE 



MINUTES 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 



ASSEMBLED APRIL 17th-20th, 1850. 
S / 



CINCINNATI, OHIO. 



r:N reANEllN COOK AND JOB ROOM.e, WALNVT ?-:REEl ABOVE VEARL. 



n 



,IOlM 



^^ C A L L F R A 

CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 



The undersigned, having been constituted a Committee for the purpose of 
calling a Convention of Christians, to consider upon the connection of the 
American Clmrch with the sin of Slaveholding, do hereby invite our fellow- 
christians, of all denominations, to assemble in convention ^t Cincinnati, 
on the Third Wednesday in April next, to deliberate upon this important 
subject, and to adopt such measures as the Convention may, in its wisdom 
devise, for freeing the American Israel from this sin. 

Among the many reasons which, in the opinion of the undersigned, render 
such a Convention desirable, we would mention the following : — 

1. The guilt of a wrong action is proportioned to the light and knowledge 
against which it is committed ; and God, lii§^'ing, by His Providene fully re- 
vealed, tlirough experience and discussions, the sinfulness of Slaveholding, 
the Church has no longer a cloak or excuse for continuing therein. These 
are not tlie days of ignorance, in which the sin can be winked at, but all men, 
everywhere, are called upon to repent and forsake it. 

2. The injurious influence of a sin in the Church, becomes greater when it 
particularly attracts the attention of the world. Slaveholding has now drawn 
upon itself the observation of all men, and so universal has been the con- 
demnation of the practice, that even the semi-barbarian refuses to tolerate 
what a portion of the American Church cherishes as apart of the Christian 
system, and thus the (iospel is evil spoken of, and its progress hindered at 
home and abroad. 

3. We believe the influence of the Church to be so great, that no earthly 
power can destroy this sin, while, as now, it finds countenance and protec- 
tion among the professed people of God ; and that nothing can save it from 
speedy ruin so soon as the Church shall withdraw her support. 

4. It has become a question of s{rave import, with a large number of Chris- 
tians, wheather each member of an organized body is not held responsible 
by God for the sin of the organization of which he vollntarii.v forms a part ; 
and it is believed that a public and free interchange of opinions upon this 
point, would produce a salutary effect upon the minds of inindreds of inquir- 
ing Christians. 

5. A large body of American professors, influential from their numbers, 
wealth, and social rank, have deliberately chosen and publicly declared their 
position : They enslirine slaveholding in the church, and cherish and defend 
it as a practice agreeable to the spirit of the Gospel. To a body of Chris- 
tians, large already, and daily increasing, it is a very solemn question, 
wheher silence and inaction on the part of other portions of the church, do 
not give consent to these pro-slavery principles, and whether this consent 
does not make the sin ours, by adoption, and involve us in the consequences. 

We, therefore, earnestly request our Fellow-Christians, of all Denomina- 
tions, to whom this Circular is sent, to obtain for it, as soon as may be, the 
names of such bretlircn as are friendly to the object, and return them to the 
Chairman of the Committee, at Cincinnati, on or before tlie first day of 
March next. 

B. P. Aydelott, E. Gooj)man, 

Wm. Hexrv Brisbane, S. H. Chase, 

S. C. Stevens, M. C. Williams, 

A. Benton, Levi Coffin, 

Joseph T. Lewis, James C. White, 

Samuel Lewis, Jonathan Cable, 

CHARLES B. BOVNTON, Chairman. 
-CinciiMmti, Nov. 20, 1S19. 



INTRODUCTORY SERMON. 



The foregoing invitation was responded to by sending to the Committee- 
the names of about two thousand persons, who stated their warm approval 
of the proposed Convention, and on the appointed day a large number 
of delegates assembled in the Vine Street Congregational Church, and by 
unanimous consent agreed to spend the whole of the preliminary session 
in devotional exercises, and in special prayer for the blessing of God upon 
the doings of the Convention. 

It was felt by all that the influences of the Holy Spirit were granted unto 
the assembly, and the delightful spirit of union and brotherly love which 
there seemed to pervade all breasts was not lost during all the sittings of 
the Convention. 

Rev. C. B. BoYNTON, of Cincinnati, having been invited by the Conven- 
tion to preach a sermon, delivered the following discourse in the evening,, 
before a large and attentive audience : 

1 Peter ii, 9. 
"But ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a pe- 
culiar people; that ye should shew forth the praises of him who hath called 
you out of darkness into his marvellous light." 

The translation of this passage is inferior to the original, both in 
precision and power; and yet, as a translation it can scarcely be im- 
proved. By a very brief explanation, however, perhaps the exact 
thought of the Apostle may be more clearly presented. The phrase 
tYans\ix{Q.d^'2)eculiar people," means " a people for a possession," God's 
possession, and the idea of Peter, in the phrase translated " show 
forth the praises of him," seems rather to be, "that ye should show 
forth the character of God, and his works which demand our praise." 
We might read then, "a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy 
nation, the peculiar possession of God, that ye should show forth in 
yourselves, the character and works of him," <kc. 

I think there is not in the whole Bible, a more clear, concise and 
forcible statement of the nature, design and duties of the Church of 
Christ, than this passage in the original presents. It has the precision 
of a definition. Such passages are the guiding lights which God 
hangs up along the path of the Church, when the world's darkness 
presses close upon her like the wall of waters on either side of the 
columns of Israel. They are to the Church what the compass and 
sun, and stars and headlands, are to the mariner, in the directing of 
his vessel. 



[5] 



Amid the present conflict of opinions, as to Avhat the Church is, or 
o\ight to be, what part God has assign.?d to lier in the world's great 
battle; or Avhether she is to remain quiet in camp, Avith a mere creed 
hung out for a banner; it is not strange if she should be somewhat 
bewildered in regard to her true character, relations, and duties. 

At one time the Church is charged with wandering beyond her ap- 
propriate sphere, with attacking sins over which she has no jurisdic- 
tion, violating the reserved rights of Satan; at another, she is accused 
of having forsaken the world, of having stricken down her lights, and 
of leaving the struggling millions to grope, and fall, in the darkness 
alone. 

The Avorld, like the Israelites when Moses tarried in the Mount, 
exclaims: " as for this Church we know not what has become of her; 
let us make to ourselves gods which shall lead us on to the goal of hu- 
manity." 

A new race of gods has been begotten in these last days, numerous as 
those of Rome, and for a time, and by many, devoutly believed in. They 
are the false Christs of the age, who propose to cleanse the corniption 
of man, without the blood of the atonement, to create him anew, or 
make him as good as new, without the renewing of the Holy Ghost; a 
scheme to beautify society by arraying in a more gorgeous robe the 
•old body of sin, a new patent whitewash wherewith to adorn the 
sepulchre. 

These things have aroused the Church, and constrained her to ex- 
amine anew her commission and her duties; and the idea is forcing 
itself upon her attention, that the reformation of society, as well as the 
conversion of the individual sotil, is her peculiar mission; and that to 
accomphsh this, her work, a jtidgment, a discriminating, separating 
process, must begin at the very sanctuary of God, that the world's 
physician mtist iirst of all heal himself. 

Thotisands have meditations like these. The Church is botind under 
God to reform the world. But her power to recover society is in direct 
proportion to the holiness of her heart, and the purity of her practice. 
The world cannot be advanced a step through her, until she has parted, 
•company with sin, and stands herself on a higher level, separate and 
peculiar. 

They believe that the purification of the Church must precede the 
reformation of the world, that the Holy Spirit must come to sit as a 
refiner to purge the dross of her sins away, until the clear, pure metal 
shall give back a bright and distinct reflection of the lineaments of 
Christ. 

Separation from sin. a renewed, and entire consecration to God as 
the only source of power in the Church, and the only hope of reform 
for the world; these ideas originated the call for this Convention, and 
these have dictated the response which far and wide has been given to 
our invitation. 

In the discussion upon which I have entered, it will be necessary to 
deal as much as may be with elementary principles; to consider things 
if possible, in their essence, and for this purpose let us turn our atten- 
tion to the question, "what is a Christian?" The derivation of the 
word directs us at once to The Christ, "The Anointed One." The 
anointing of the Priest or Magistrate was a part of the consecrating 



[G] 

rite, by which he was separated from all other pursuits, and set apart,, 
and devoted wholly unto the special duties of his office. The external 
anointing was the symbol of the inner baptism by which God was sup- 
posed to confer the intellectual and moral qualifications for office. 

By the anointing of the Holy Ghost, the Son of God was prepared 
for, and set wholly apart unto the work of redemption, he was dedica- 
ted without reserve unto his official duties; these henceforth formed 
his exclusive occupation; he was separated from all things else, and 
absorbed in these alone, — He, The Anointed Priest and King. 

The Christ-men, then, are necessarily like their model and leader; 
the consecrated and anointed ones, the Christ-ones — a chosen band,, 
called out of and separated from the Avorld; and by the baptism of the 
Holy Spirit, anointed for, and consecrated to, the special work of God — 
as ti-uly set apart and called, as Christ himself was, a chosen genera- 
tion, a holy nation, a peculiar people, the possession of God. This 
serves to explain another remarkable expression of our text, "royal 
priesthood," as apphed to the Church, the body of Christ-ones. By 
the high calling of God in Christ Jesus, each follower of the Son of God 
is elected to the Christian priesthood, and by the anointing of the Holy 
Spirit is separated from the world, inducted into the most holy office, 
and becomes thus a member of a consecrated class, a priesthood 
which is rojal, because the Prince Royal of the Universe, the Only 
Son and Sole Heir of God, is the Head and High Priest of the order; 
and because each Christian follows Christ in the new birth, is born as 
he was by the overshadowing of the Holy Spirit, is literally brother or 
sister of his, and therefore a member of the new royal household of 
which Jesus is head. 

These facts enable us to grasp the very thing which constitutes a 
Christian, which distinguishes him from every other order of being, 
Christ is the head of the new family, the first begotten of a new spir- 
itual race, the second Adam. He is a man, who is born in the likeness 
of the first Adam, the type of the human species. He is a Christian, 
who is born again in the likeness of Christ, the Second Adam, the 
type, the model of the Christian species, the new family and order 
begun in Him. He is not a man who does not exhibit the distinctive 
features of humanity; who agrees not with the model of the species; 
and he is not a Christian, who possesses not the peculiar, essential char- 
acteristics of the new nature and order of being, of which Christ is the 
beginning, the type and head. 

We are also enabled by this reasoning to separate the idea of the 
Church from every thing extraneous and non-essential; we strip off 
the wrappage of forms, and sects, and organizations; we see what lies 
back of all these, what existed before these, that something, which, 
would exist still, and be the Church of Christ still, though all these 
were abolished and swept utterly away. 

The Church, the Ecelesia, the chosen body, is composed of Christ- 
men, of anointed ones, separated from the world and consecrated 
unto a peculiar calling, the high calling of the Christian priesthood. 
The Church is literally, not figuratively, a sacred order of priests, 
following the character of the Royal High Priest, Jesus Christ Him- 
self — as truly consecrated unto and anointed for the office, as was 
Aaron to the priestly office under the Jewish law. I remark, in passing, 



[n 

that in the distinctive, unchangeable, universal Christian type, we have- 
a true and tangible basis for one, united, Catholic Church, one vitally 
connected body of Jesus. The Church, then, is a brotherhood of 
Christian priests, set apart to the holy ministry of the gospel, with no 
sacred order xoithin or above the general body, and with no distinc- 
tions except those arising from occupation and olTice. " Por one is 
your Master, even Christ, and all ye are brethren." 

Having thus endeavored to set forth the elementary idea botlt of a 
Christian and the Church, we are prepared for the question, "what 
is the design and mission of the Church?" 

I propose not to speak in detail of her ditlerent duties, but to com- 
prise if possible, and sum them all up, in one general statement, and 
this I think is found in the language of the text: •' Ye are a chosen 
generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a peculiar people;" for 
what purposed " That ye should shew forth the praises of Him, who 
hath called you out of the darkness into his marvellous light." 

This, then, is the high and holy mission of the Church in the 
world, embracing, it is true, many particulars, but all bound u[) in 
one principle ; an exhibition of the character of God. She is to be 
the representative of Christ, his witness on earth, the mirror in which 
the world may gaze and behold the lineaments of the Son of God. 
Here we reach, necessarily and instantly, a conclusion which is of 
special interest and importance in our future deliberations. 

The moment any Church takes any sin into connection with her- 
self, or cherishes, or defends, or even fails to rebuke and denounce 
it, whatever its character, and wherever found, she becomes an un- 
faithful representative of Christ ; she bears false witness of God ; 
she is a deceitful mirror; she dishonors Jesus by giving to the world 
a false impression of His character. Instead of shewing forth the 
praises of God. she exhibits Him as worthy of reproach, and she 
holds u[) the Immaculate God, as one in communion with sin. God 
is infinitely holy, and for the Church, while standing as His commis- 
sioned representative, and personating his character, to patronize or 
fellowship, and so approve of any sin, is to forge a character for God 
and palm it on the world for the true; 'tis a slander of Jesus, a libel 
against the Almighty. The Church, then, by her very nature and 
office, is solemnly bound to be as Jesus was, not only without sin 
herself, but also to hold herself separate from sinners, lest she be 
found bearing false witness against (Jod. 

The Church, then, is under a solemn obligation, springing out of 
the very law of her being, to refuse all connection between herself 
and sin, and to bear against it the whole weight of her testimony. 
She finds no warrant in the practice of her Great Exemplar, nor in 
the principles he advocated, for any half-way covenant with sin, 
much less for receiving it into full communion. No, nor for any 
timid or prudent scheme of temporizing policy. " Be ye holy, for I 
am holy." is a commission which bears with the whole authority of 
God against every feature of the accouunodation plan of spreading 
abroad the gospel. It was tried by the Jesuits in tlieir attem[)t to in- 
terweave Christianity with Buddism. hoping thereby to win the mil- 
lions of the East without ofionding their prejudices; it was tried in 
our own forests, where the Indians were taught to regard Christ as an 



[8 ] ■ 

unconquerable brave, to gain the admiration of the warrior; and I 
know not which the Savior may consider the more atrocious insult to 
his cliaracter, the representing him with his tomahawk ui)on the war- 
path in pursuit of the red man, or as approving and holding fellow- 
shij) through his Church with a system which legalizes, and christ- 
ianizes, the more savage, more heartless hunt of the black man, with 
the rifle and bloodhound. Christ is the model teacher of his system; 
his method of course is based upon a correct philosophy — and 
trusted not his cause to the proposition of a naked theory, but 
struck at the particular sins of his age and nation, sparing neither 
ecclesiastical, political, or social iniquity. His eye saw sin in all its 
enormity through the sheen of jewels and gold, — his courage faultered 
not, when it was hedged round with the defences of wealth, rank and 
power, or cherished among the religious prejudices of his country- 
men. He hesitated not because ho was denounced as a fanatic, and 
madman, a mischievous disturber of the [)eace of society. He ceased 
not, because of the agitation which his teachings produced ; he direct- 
ed his solemn admonition against every sin ; but still, he kindled the 
hottest fires of indignation, and waked the most terrific storm of his 
wrath, when he denounced the haughty ecclesiastic, the self-conceited 
ruler, or the organic sins of his church and nation. In all this, he 
acted as the model fireacher of his gospel, and the spirit of his whole 
ministry breathes forth in the solemn command, "Be ye holy, for I 
am holy." 

This thought brings me to another proposition, (viz:) The Church 
is bound to make a discrimination in her testimony against, and war- 
fare with sin. She is to observe and follow the Providence of God, 
and to single out as the chief object of her attack, that which He has 
brought most distinctly and prominently before the public eye. 

Here, as pointing to one of the reasons ior this assembly, we ask 
what sin has ever before in all the history of the earth stood forth in 
such hideous relief as slaveholding now does? toward what other in- 
i(iuiiy of man has the world's thought been directed with such inten- 
sity of condemnation? 

Now, when other nations, christian and infidel, civilized and un- 
civilized, have cast this system from them as a thing accursed of God 
and abhorred by men, — when governments which many Americans 
execrate as despotic, have broken the fciiers of the slave, and have 
repudiated the idea of property in man; when from broad continents 
and clustering islands has been sent up the shout of deliverance, as 
the voice of many waters, the birth-hymn of millions born back from 
the sphere of brutes, into the world of humanity, — not only is there 
no glad response, sent back from this boasted, special home of Free- 
dom, but remonstrance instead, and fierce defiance of the world's 
opinion, and the power of a contrary example. American Liberty 
declares that the perpetual enslaving of millions, more or less, accord- 
ing to power and opportunity, is right; she defends it with the na- 
tional wealth, and hoists over it our national banner; while the Church 
undertakes to give the system a Christian baptism, places it in cove- 
nant with Goil. writes upon it the name of Immanuel, and otTers to it 
the symbols of the Redeemer's body. Therefore it is, that the whole 
weight of the world's remonstrance and reproach is laid upon our own 



[0] 

country ; and here, moreover, ii is gathered and condensed again and 
hurled upon the Church, — that Church of which we form a part. The 
blackness of this iniquity settles upon us, on us fall tlie odium and 
the scorn; into our own souls does the bitterness enter, — and we feel 
that in our present position wo participate in the crime, and are linked 
to our portion of coming retribution. 

We think that God has thus by his Providence singled out the sys- 
tem of American slavery as the sin of the country and of the Church, 
against which Christians are called upon to direct the power of truth, 
the influence of example, and the force of Christian rebuke, and 
therefore it is that we are here to propose, discuss, and as I hope 
adopt, some plan by which our duty may be done. 

It may perhaps be deemed by the Convention a mere wasting of 
time, a w'ork of supererogation, to devote a moment to the ques- 
'tion, is slaveholding a siu? Yet we may not safely overlook the 
fact, that the afhrmative, that it is a sin, is met by instant denial, not 
■ alone by the slaveholder, from whom we should naturally expect it; 
not alone by churches at the South reared and sustained in part by 
slave labor, and the price of men bred like brutes for the market; not 
alone from politicians, with whom slavery is only an element in 
party combinations, a mere instrument of party warfare ; but we must 
remember that no main branch of the Northern Church, through any 
body representing is general voice, has as yet declared American 
Slavery a sin which ought to be denounced as such, and excluded 
from the church. No General Assembly or General Conference or 
General Association, has mtered a clear, unequivocal verdict against 
it as a sin, to be dealt with as such. 

However clear and strong, then, the convictions of our own minds 
may be, we may not deceive ourselves with the idea that the Northern 
■Church even is ready to respond. 

The subject is hedged round by such a clamorous host of prejudices 
as never rallied to the support of sin before, and ])rote(ned by such 
powerful interests as never before formed the body guard of iniquity. 
It has run its dark and bloody thread through the whole web of society; 
it is part and parcel of the whole social and political frame-work. 
The banking, manufacttu-ing, and commercial capital, the hopes of 
political aspirants, the places of twenty thousand government officers, 
the success of colleges and theological seminaries, of our own mission 
boards, and other benevolent movements ; of our literature, our relig- 
ious and secular newspapers ; the popularity of professors and presi- 
dents of our seminaries, the hopes of ministers themselves; all these 
are thought to be endangered by the agitation which truth will pro- 
duce ; hence every where, movement is condemned, discussion is 
frowned upon, earnestness is ridiculed, and feeling is repressed. 

For this reason, the fact that slaveholding is a sin, foid and dam- 
ning, and the arguments which prove the assertion true, ought con- 
tinually to be pressed upon the public thought. Still, though such 
appalling difficulties press now upon the Christian reformer, there is 
no need for despondency, but much, rather, to inspire with hope. 
Though it is mournfully true, that what I have stated is the general 
position even of the Church of (4od, even at the North, there are 
thousands of Christians within the different communions, whoso prin- 



[10 1 

ciples are sound, whose hearts are right, and whose courage is equal 
to the crisis. Could we, through wisdom from on high, devise some 
plan by which the power of these could be united in concerted, har- 
monious action, we might even here raise the shout of victory, before 
the battle begins. 

It is not my purpose to detain the Convention with an attempt at 
formal argument on the sinfulness of slaveholding ; I have no hairs to 
split, nor microscopic examinations to make around the question of 
"sin per se." That subject will be discussed by others. The question 
I propose, refers to the huge system of American Slavery, its character, 
workings, and results. Is thai wrong? is a man sinful in upholding 
that ? or is it a spotless and holy thing approved by Christ, and wel- 
comed to his fellowship ? Permit me to make a few suggestions. 
The Slave trader from Cuba or Brazil, moors his ship on the African 
coast, and purchases his cargo of Slaves. There, and thus, the act is 
esteemed most horrible ; one voice of execration is raised against the 
attrocious outrage, and by the common consent of civiHzed man, he 
is hunted down as a felon, a pirate. Buyer and seller are cast together 
out of the pale of humanity, overwhelmned by a common condemna- 
tion. But the Slave trader from Texas or Louisiana opens his mart 
and establishes his jail, and purchases his handcuffs in the Capitol of 
the U. States, and collects his gang from the human pasture grounds 
of Virginia and the Carolinas — tears mother and child asunder, breaks 
up the conjugal relation, scoffs at Availing and tears ; and yet, alas ! 
who is Avise enough to decide Avhether this deserves the name of sin 
either in sellers or buyers. What Avas most clear to all eyes and all 
minds on the African coast, has become a most knotty question, Avhen 
transferred to American soil, most difficult of solution. Learned Doc- 
tors of Divinity and Theological Professors must hold their opinion in 
suspense till they have examined anew HebrcAv and Greek Lexicons ; 
Ministers and Churches look grave, perplexed Avith doubt; General 
Assemblies appoint from year to year Committees aa'Iio can reach no 
satisfactory conclusion ; Mission Boards take at least 13 years to con- 
sider and are still in profound thought, doubtful Avhich Avay the scales 
of decision may finally incline. The man Jiere, who should commit 
adultery, and hold the fruit of his crime as a slave, or sell her for in- 
famous purposes, Avould be shunned as a monster ; and he Avould be 
deemed a madman who should propose such an one for the fellowship 
of the Churches, but Avhen this self same enormity is entrenched in a 
mighty system — becomes part and parcel of a civil and social struc- 
ture, and thus a thousand fold more influential for evil — then he is 
the madman Avho refuses to countenance it and extend the Aving of the 
Church over the Avholesale Avickedness. And churches, and ministers, 
statesmen, judges, and professors, and annual profoundly deliberating 
committees, cannot certainly determine that it should be called by the 
name of sin. Is murder a sin ? The system tolerates murder. Plow 
many graA'es cover the murdered victims of passion or malice, slain 
Avhcn there was none to help or punish. How many skeletons bleach 
in Southern SAvamps and forests, av here the blood hound and the rifle 
stilled the aspirations of hearts, beating, hoping and struggling for 
freedom ? On the northern banks of the Ohio, this would be a fearful 
sin ; Avhy, then, on the .southern shore, do Ave pronounce legal and 



[11 ] 

christian, a system of -which such atrocities form an essential part ? 
Is it a sin to trample down beyond recovery, the family institution, to 
violate as a rule, and by settled policy, the marriage tie, to do it coolly 
as a profitable speculation ? This is one of the peculiai- features of 
the system, without which it cannot exist. In the free states this 
would exclude a man from all association with respectable men. In 
the south the human cattle breeder sits down unrebidvcd at the table 
of Christ. Is it a sin to overpower a man by superior force, bend him 
wholly to my own purposes, against his wishes, to the destruclion of 
his hopes and happiness, and if he resists, put him to death ? Let 
us remember that the guilt is the same, whether we or'ujinate this 
outrage on the coast of Africa, or perpetuate and sanction it here. 

In one portion of the country, this would be an infamous crime, but, 
if we only pass some natural boundary, or even an imaginary line, the 
crime is transformed into an unobjectionable transaction, an act so 
pure and heavenly that it cannot stain the spotless robe of Christ. 

On one side of a landmark established by human caprice or self in- 
terest, it would be an insufierable enormity to train up a child, whether 
my own, or acquired by force, or fraud, or purchase, in stich degrada- 
tion and ignorance of his rights and duties, that his dwarfed mind 
should be unable to conceive of any higher object than to be my ser- 
vile tool, on a level with my horse or dog, so that he should never 
come to any right understanding of what is due to himself, to me, or 
to God. 

But let me remove only one foot's distance on the other side of that 
boundary, and it becomes righteous and Christlike to treat in tliis very 
manner, the children of three millions of my countrymen — to draw the 
expunging line of human legislation across the Godgiven charter of 
their rights, and to transform them by the infernal sorcery of mammon 
to human animals, with just enough of understanding to make them 
profitable machines. Let us turn to another feature of this subject. 

The great heart of Christendom has scarcely ceased from its wild 
pulsations, first of indignation and then of joy, at a late transaction 
in Italy : A protestant brother is seized and thrown into ])rison by 
tlie power of a municipal law resting upon the same authority as our 
own legislation, (though claiming a far higher,) and Europe and 
America ring with denunciations of the outrage, and wluii he sets at 
nought the law that binds him, and becomes a successful fugitive iVom 
bondage, scarce can protestant millions refrain from startling the lu-av- 
ens with one universal shout of joy. Btit suppose we turn to somc^ 
American, while his tongue yet quivers with murmured thanksgivings 
for the release of the Italian ; and say your prisoner held by your 
municipal law, has escaped and urges his flight by tin.- rays of the 
northern star ; and ho ! for the rille and blood hound, the bowie knife 
and the pistol, and away for the northern border. He must dash 
across the Ohio, make a foray into the consecrated grounds of Freedom, 
scour the cotintry with "posse cimitatus," and if purchai.ce he seize 
the trembling, panting, despairing fugitive, put on the handcuffs and 
the chain, ply him with the lash, or shoot him if he resist ; and grave 
northern Senators exclaim, "oh righteous law ! it willsave the Union," 
and Churches crowd round and say, come with us brother let us take 
sweet counsel together as we go up to the Sanctuary of God, let us- 
celebrate together the dying love of our Savior. 



[ I-^ ] 

The Bey of Algiers once had a la'.v, the ComtUution of his State ; 
by which men, women and children swooped up on the high seas, by 
his Corsairs, were held as slaves. Women escaped from his power, 
whose children are now among us dwelling in safety. 

What treatment Avould a demand from him for the restoration of 
his fugitives receive ? Some of our Indian tribes are similarly situa- 
ted. They made captives and slaves among the whites as lawfully as 
any negro has been acquired on the coast of Africa, or by purchase, 
or hrcedinf) on our own soil. Let these tribes make a demand upon our 
Congress for the children of those who have escaped, and how long think 
you Avould it be, before some regiments of mounted riflemen would 
remove them, not from without the limits of the States, but from time 
into eternity. 

Now he who sustains such a system, virtually gives his sanction to 
each particular atrocity which helps to make the whole ; and I ask 
my christian brethren, here and elsewhere, of what other sin can I be 
guilty whose nature is so deadly, whose influence is so wide and ter- 
rific, as giving countenance to that which confounds all distinction 
between right and wrong, which annihilates God's standard of an in- 
trinsic and eternal righteousness, — which makes justice depend upon 
lines of latitude, or human interest, or caprice, and thus unsettles all 
fixed rule of action, and subverts the very basis of society. The 
commission of any single crime against law, however heinous, is really 
trifling in comparison . I may commit murder, and still leave all the sol- 
emn standards of righteousness untouched ; nay, by expiating my 
crime, possibly the moral pulse of community may beat with healthier 
action than before. But if I publish opinions or sustain practices, by 
which I create a doubt as to whether murder is right or wrong, and 
confound mens ideas as to what murder truly is, I have unsealed a 
fountain of death, whose final breadth of stream, and force of current, 
and far reaching flow, nor man, nor angel can ca'culate. 

If I violate the marriage tie, the scorn and rebuke of a right minded 
community more than counterbalance the influence of my iniquitous 
example, and the great standard of right is not swerved from its per- 
pendicular ; but if I create, perpetuate, defend, or in any way coim- 
tenance a system which vitiates the public morals, which benumbs the 
delicate sensibilities of woman, which weakens or removes the exter- 
nal or internal defences that shield her honor, then have I corrupted 
all society, and pushed it onward to the verge of hell. 

These are not only appalling facts connected with slaveholding, but 
they are perfect illustrations of the principles of its workings. 

The moral sensibilities of the church have been benumbed by this 
conlounding of right and wrong — this legerdemain by which what is 
wrong on one side of an imaginary line, becomes instantly right, 
when transferred to the other, making God's eternal standard, and 
conse|uenily his own character, aihing of circumstance and change. 

Tt has checked the flow of her spiritual life, by a most natural con- 
sequence, and has dimmed her perception of sin by an inviolable 
law. 

When the eye is turned full on the Sun, the excess of stimulus 
renders it insensible to a lesser light, and the nearest objects become 
invisible. So, when conscience has been educated to approve of a 



I 13] 

great wrong — its capacity for resistance is exhausted, and the lesser 
brood of" sins passes unc^uestioned and unheeded. 

Most truly, thou, may we attribute the present apathy of the 
church in regard to all reform, the patient forbearance with a host of 
sins that spot her imperial robe, to the fact that in frati'rnizuig the 
most enormous wrong of our country, in gazing approvingly upon its 
gorgon features her spiritual vision is obscured, and she cannot now 
perceive the smaller sins until her eye is anointed of Jesus and 
couched and cleared by the Spirit of God. 

If it be answered as it sometimes is, these things which you have 
mentioned, are sins by conunon consent, and you make a false issue, 
these are sins, but they form no necessary part of the system, — 1 reply, 
cut olTthen t^ese acknowledged sins, abuses of the system ; call them 
sins, rebuke iliein as such, withhold fellowship from all who practice 
them. Set the seal of reprobation thus, upon slaveholdinj^ and slave- 
breeding, upon adultery and concubinage, repudiate the idea of prop- 
erty in man, punish the murderer of the slave, j)rotect him from cru- 
elty, insist that he is a ??;a?2, not a thin//, educate and give him the gospel, 
lop off these abuses, and a grave a span long would hold the remains 
of the system. But I must turn to other considerations. Why pro- 
pose this new experiment of assembling Evangelical Christians'? 
Why appeal exclusively to the Church ? ( 1 ) Because she is the great, 
the almost sole effectual defender of this wrong. Her moral power 
is so mighty, so wide spread, that simple inaction on her pan. affords 
a protection which could not be given by the joint jjower of all the 
political parties ; no, nor by the world, though ranging round it the 
living walls of her soldiery. The church by her apathy, is dimin- 
ishing and periling her influence, but it is still an incalculable force 
and upon the principle that " he who is not with me is against me," 
this whole power is thrown against the emancipation of the slave, 
against even the free inquiry whether it is right or wrong — and in, 
favor of every outrage which slaveholding involves. 

(2.) Because this question in its primary and most important as- 
pect belongs, not to politics, but to morals. Political action can have 
no natural connection with it except to carry out b\ appropriate legal 
forms a previous moral decision ; and this prerequisite settlement 
belongs to the church, and can be made by none but her. 

To attem[)t to arrange this great moral question by mere party po- 
litical legislation, is as idle as it was for France to apply her political 
power to the being of God and the counsels of his will. 

The (juestion which regards slaveholding is a moral issue, and can 
no more be determined by mere Congressional Enactment, than the 
question what a man shall believe and what the nature of his emo- 
tions shall be, can be decided thus. The ages have been witnesses 
of this experiment, and neither the authority uf councils, nor the 
power of monarchs, nor parliamentary statutes, nor starchamber 
courts, nor inijuisitions, nor dungeons, nor death, have availed to set- 
tle the question of Eternal right. Political parties may employ this 
question as loaded dice, wherewith to play at presidential stakes. 
States may pufF themselves up with swellings of indignation, may 
threaten to secede and leave the twelve millions of the North todie of 
grief and starvation ; and Senators suddenly seized with severest par- 



[ 14 ] 

.oxism of patriotism, may throw themselves into the -imminent deadlv 
breach," and n.agnanimously save the Union, and their own poS 
fc?''K%'""' ""^'' ""^ '^''Sroat question be buried in s^e 

uge omb of contpromise ; and before the funeral ceremony is over 
It will rise again, and the bosoms of thousands be fired anew bv the 
momentous issue it presents. ^ ^'^^ 

This question must be discussed by the church, and by the church 
the problem must be solved, or it will remain a riddle fJrever 

(f •) ^^« /"I'ite evangelical churches to these deliberations, because 
the senled judgement of thousands, the fellowship o^huJches 

h quity F;;:h" '^" ^"""' '^ ^ ^^"^ ""'^ '^^^'•^' partnershirwith 
in.quuy. Each nation is one unit, is so regardect, and treated always 

1 nflk ^ i" '''''^'rS principle of his Governmem^ The official 
o the whole "h" ^'"^ representatives of a nationals visiterup 
each ' emhl; of '"'"" '''' f^^^gn'^es the same principle in holding 
each membe of a partnership, responsible for all, and all for each 
riie whole business of society rests upon this, as one of the chief 
fotmdations No church therefore can escape i'ts application 
Eolcnn^r^''T'' '^•h^"-.^^^^' New and Old school,\he Methodist, 
Episcopalian and some others; each claim to be one organic whole!^ 
they are so by constitution ; and consequently each is bound by a chain 
of responsibility, a parlncrship respoUil/ty which reaches to eVe" 
individual member The sin of a church then in fellowship with sin^ 
cleaves to every individual member of the organization by a nl^e sar^ 

lrand:^^;^;r' ^"' ^-1^''-^-"'-^"^-^ -just, i£:^^s^ 

for^such%rl"7''r'' ""^"'^m'^' '^'"' '^'^'^ ^^"^^^"^ b"' "»« remedy 
10 sever thp offl I'' """T^l" remonstrance and rebuke, and that is^ 
to sever the official tie which connects us with the errin- body that 
we be not partakers of her sin or her retribution. This islo ped^ectly 
apparent that it needs no proof. periectl> 

But in order to meet the strict demands of our principle the s-na- 
ration must be complete ; every thread which binds us,'th(; slender- 
est rootlet through which the organic life can be comm niclte! mu t 
enceTow'o,Vf "'■'"""' '"S^^'^"^"'^^ ^'°"g -hich our'iX 
tCu.h whi?h n' ' TT' °* '!"' ^"^ ^^^°"^'y ^ conductor, 
n rinch T \ '^''T ^^."'^ ^^ "' '^^ '''''^^ «^ retribution. The 

principle il carried unshrinkingly to its conclusions, will not only 

butw.U equally divide us from all their official agencies, whatever 

Is a sTnnil \ T- ^-^ '^" ""^"''" °^ ■^^'^'^•"- ^^^ant that a body 
he r "h ;: ^V'T' "r'' f''" ^ ^'^r^derer, it has gone aside from 
tie right ways of the Lord, it has itself divided from Jesus, has 

S IsTl" ""'f','"^ ^^''"^^^' ^"^ ^^^-" '- ^he side of 
Ohrist, IS to be re-grafted into the parent vine, to be in visible as 
well as spiritual union with the actual church. Human orU i zati'on 
are not the church. They infold her within their wra^^'n's and 
they sometimes greatly impede the freedom of her movements, sSp her 
we chf:r' ?'„'""r- '?' '^"^^ '^^^ ^° J^^^^' '^^-ffocation. and Xufd 

would Z '"I I ' n"" ^'"''' "' 7"" '""^ '^""^ «" ^^^y' ^ox only 
would the church still survive after all were cone, but p;rhaps wo 



[ 15 ] 



should behold her not unclothed but clothed upon with new and heav- 
enly garments wliich would reveal, not hide her beauty. 

Brethren, if this convention is to result in any action, such as the 
hour demands, if it passes beyond the worse than em])ty show of 
speeches and resolutions, than a work most solemn, important and 
delicate is before us ; a work that touches almost every interest of 
the complicated web of society, a work which if conscientiously en- 
gaged in, and persevereingly carried on, is linked to far reaching 
results. 

We propose to separate ourselves from all official connection with 
a prominent sin, and then by some method (if by the wisdom of God 
one may be discovered) to combine our numbers and our influence, 
in order to carry on against this sin a comuiun warfare. Let us look 
well to the motives that control us. Any thing short of a hungering 
and thirsting after increased holiness of heart, and purity of practice, 
a desire, for the honor of Christ, and the progress of his gospel, that 
the church should be purified from sin — should become the heritage 
of God, and the reflector of his character; motives lower than these 
will surely lead astray and ensure defeat. 

Whatever we do, must be from a solemn conviction, that thus only, 
can we best reach some higher attainment in the christian life, that 
thus only can we abide in Christ be assimilated to him, and exhibit 
the gospel as the power of God unto the salvation of men — ''Holiness 
to the Lord," must be written on our hearts, and be proclaimed in 
our practice. I have remarked that in the unchangeable universal 
christian type, that something, which constitutes a christian, which is 
alike independent of organizations and forms, we find the possibility 
of, and basis for, a Catholic christian union. The unity of the 
Christian species le:ids by necessary inference to the unity of the church 
— just as the unity of the human race proclaims the brotherhood of 
man. There is something by which we recognize a man independ- 
ently altogether of national, or party connection — that something is 
the essential quality which constitutes the mail — no matter where he 
was born, what . sun shone upon his infancy or manhood, or under 
what form of government he was reaied ; he is still a man, to 
be owned and respected as such ; so christian character and christian 
life are not dependent upon any thing external. 

Suppose wo could annihilate all organizations and all forms, then 
bring together one hundred individuals whose only distinguishing 
mark should be Christ formed within them the hope of glory. Would 
not there be a church, a portion of the church, with every thing 
essential to salvation ; and then would not he be guilty of schism who 
should propose to separate from his brethren on account of a form. 
Then, they are seeking to reunite the scattered members of Jesus, 
who pass lightly by, and beyond the unessential form, and unite by 
the higher and holy affinity of a common love for Christ, by thi? 
heavenly attraction of a common holiness. Brethren it would be an 
achievement worthy, even of this age, it would meet a want now 
deeply felt by a multitude of earnest hearts, it would remove one 
grand error of Protestantism, if a church could be constituted separate 
from every tangible sin, whose bond of union should be no worn out 
sectarian lashings, but the same tie, which unites all in heaven into 



[10] 

one harmonious family, that spiritual affinity which springs from a 
common life in Christ and results in a mutual love. Three times in 
his parting supplication for his church, did the Savior pray that it 
might be one, and this union was to have such an outward mani- 
festation as would be recognized and felt by the world, " that the 
world may believe" — certainly then we do but follow him when we 
desire, and pray, and labor that they who have a cominon Father, a 
common birth through the Holy Spirit, a common Redeemer, and 
the hope of a common heaven, should be visibly one in Christ. A 
baptism of the Spirit such as the exigency of this hour demands would 
melt us into one, would merge all distinctions in the absorbing fellow- 
ship by which through abiding in Christ, we are also members one 
of another. It would lead us all beyond the chilling outer court of 
torms where blow the winds of controversy, to the heart's "holy of ho- 
lies," the inner sanctuary of the spiritual life. 

Surely there can be nothing wrong in the wish that they who have 
for each other a spiritual affinity through a common life which is "hid 
with Christ in God," should become even visibly one family in him, 
a spiritual organism with a suitable outward embodiment, and that the 
followers of Jesus should reject all party distinctions and appellations, 
and readopt the original family name, that genuine and significant 
name of christian, which suggests at once their character and their 
origin. 



MINUTES 

OF THE 

CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION, 



The Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, assembled at 10 o'clock, 
April 17, 1850, in the Vine street Congregational Church. 

Upon motion of the Chairman of the Committee issuing the call, Samuel 
Lewis, Esq., of the city of Cincinnati, was called to the chair, and the Rev. 
J. Cable and the Rev. James White, of Cincinnati, were appointed Secre- 
taries, for the purpose of temporarily organizing the Convention. 

Upon taking the chair, Mr. Lewis addressed the Convention. 

Upon motion of Dr. S. H. Chase, the following committee was appointed 
to nominate permanent ofhcers of the Convention, viz : Messrs. Chase 
Harwood, Benton, Aydelottc, Foot, and Gaines. 

Upon motion of Rev. James Milligan, of Illinois, the following commit- 
tee upon Resolutions was appointed, viz: Messrs. Brisbane, Aydelotte, 
Stevens, Goodman, Frankland, Goodell, Lewis, Milligan. 

Upon motion of Rev. W. H. Brisbane, the following resolutions were 
adopted : 

Resolved 1. The meetings of this Christian Anti-Slavery Convention shall 
be opened, by the announcement by the President, of an opportunity for 
any member thereof to lead in reading the Scriptures, and in prayer. 

2. We recognize as legitimate, no other means for the promotion of the 
Anti-Slavery cause, than such as are in accordance with the Gospel of 
Peace. 

3. We are pledged to conduct all the proceedings of this Convention 
with christian meekness, kindness, and seriousness; and if any member 
offend in any of these respects, he shall be immediately called to order. 

4. The decorum of the proceedings shall be regulated according to the 
best established parliamentary usages. 

The following resolution, offered by Rev. C. B. Boynton, was passed. 

Resolved, That a committee, consisting of seven, from as many diflerent 
religious denominations, be appointed upon business and devotional ex- 
ercises. 

The following were appointed upon this committee: Messrs. Boynton, 
Chase, Brisbane, Stevens, Humphries, and Rankin. 



[ 18] 

Upon motion of Rev. E. Goodman, the following committee were ap- 
pointed to prepare an Address for the adoption of the Convention, viz : 
Messrs. Goodman, Nevin, Aydelotte, Whipple, Kenyon, and Vashon. 

Upon motion, the following persons vpere appointed as a Committee of 
Ways and Means, viz: Benton, Freeman, Cable, McCuUough, Heaton, 
Leavitt, and Williams. 

A Committee upon enrollment of members was appointed, as follows : 
Messrs. Brown, Harker, and ChafHn. 

The Convention then adjourned to meet again at 3 o'clock, P. M. 



Wednesday, 3, P. M. 

The Convention met in pursuance of adjournment. Opened with prayer 
by Thomas Frankland. 

The Committee on Nominations reported as follows. 

For President, Judge S. C. Stevens, of jMadison, Indiana. 

For Vice Presidents, Rev. B. P. Aydelotte, of Ohio; Rev. James Milli- 
gan, of Illinois; Rev. John G. Fee, of Kentucky; Rev. George Whipple, of 
New York; Rev. E. H. Nevin. of Ohio; Rev. E. Smith, of Ohio. 

For Secretaries, Rev. M. N. Miles, of lUinois; Rev. C. B. Boynton, of 
Cincinnati; Rev. E. Matthews, of Wisconsin; and James Birney, Esq., of 
Cincinnati. 

The report of the Committee on Nominations was accepted. 

Judge S. C. Stevens asked leave to decline the nomination, but the Con- 
vention refused to grant his request. 

The report, upon being put to vote, was adopted. Judge S. C. Stevens 
was thereupon welcomed to the chair, and introduced to the Convention 
by Samuel Lewis, Esq. 

Letters addressed to the committee calling the convention, were then 
read, from Rev. Elnathan Pope, of Maine ; Rev. P. Bailey, of East Berk- 
shire, Vermont; Gerrit Smith, Esq., of New York; James G. Birney, Esq., 
of Michigan ; Hon. H. B. Stanton, of New York ; Hon. Wm. Jay, of New 
York ; Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio. 

The reading of other letters in the hands of the committee was postponed. 

The committee upon Resolutions, through their chairman. Rev. W. H. 
Brisbane, reported the following Preamble and Resolutions, the ninth of the 
series having been proposed by Rev. J. G. Fee, of Kentucky : 

Whereas the Gospel was designed to promote the well-being of man, 
both temporally and spiritually ; and Jesus Christ himself set forth not only 
the principles, but the mode of action by which tlie human race were to be 
benefitted^ distinctly announcing that he came to preach the Gospel to the 
poor, to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, and 
recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised, and 
to preach the acceptable year of the Lord : and also warned the world that 
he would judge all men by the deeds done in the body, with special re- 
ference to their treatment of the destitute and the oppressed; and that he 
fully enforced all this by his own example during his stay on earth; and 
whereas these principles of humanity and Christianity have been in a great 
measure lost sight of in the instructions of the jndpit, and in the example of 
professed Christians in these United States, especially in their application to 
those of our countrymen who are the descendants of Africans, whilst the 



[19 ] 



Churches themselves have for the most part treated this unfortunate portion 
of the human family, with great neglect, and often times with great dis- 
dain and contempt, many of their members holding these their brethren in 
abject servitude, and others cultivating a deep prejudice against tlie op- 
pressed class, and freely fraternizing with their oppressors: and inasmuch 
•as the consequence of this departure from the original principles of the 
Gospel tends to a yet lower standard of piety and Christian morality, and 
must, if persisted in, linally destroy all vital godliness in the Churches, and 
•sink their religion into mere superstitious form, and impious rites and cere- 
monies: Therefore — 
Resolved, 

1. Slavery directly contravenes the laws of God, and the Gospel of Jesus 
Christ, and ought everywhere to be abolished. 

2. American Slavery, as every other form of Imraan chattleship, is a sin 
in itself, which can find no shelter either in the Patriarchal, Mosaic, or 
Christian dispensations : nor can any slaveholder be justified, under any 
possible circumstances, in retaining his fellow man in the condition of a 
slave, since no human laws can bind him to exercise ownership. 

3. The professor of Christianity, who declines to give freedom to liis 
slaves, gives evidence thereby, that he loves not the Lord Jesus Christ with 
his whole heart, since Jesus has himself taught, that inasmuch as we do a 
wrong to the least of those for whom he shed his blood, we do a wrong to 
him. 

4. He who communes or has fellowship with the Slaveholder, communes 
and has fellowship with one w'ho tramples upon the laws of God, and the 
principles and doctrines of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. 

5. The churches of tho various lienominations, and their judicatories, 
ought to decree such measures, and take such action, as are best adapted 
to deliver them from all participation in the siu and other evils of slave- 
holding. 

6. We believe the moral power and general influence of the Church are 
such as, if rightly directed, would bring slavery to a speedy and peaceful 
«nd ; and, therefore, until the Church be thus faithful in the use of the 
talents entrusted to her, she is fearfully guilty. 

7. The slaves in our own country deserve the especial attention of Ame- 
rican Christians and Churches; and, therefore, they who pass negligently 

-and indiflerently by the Slave, to send the Gospel to the Fagan, prove 
thereby their own disqualillcation for promulgating that Gospel. 

8. Anti-Slavery members of churches ought to endeavor to induce their 
respective churches to take a distinct Anti-Slavery position. 

9. The friends of a pure Christianity ought to separate themselves from 
all slavehoUiing churches, and from all churches, ecclesiastical bodies, and 
missionary organizations, that are not fully divorced from the sin of slave- 
holding; and we. who may still be in connection whh such bodies, pledge 
ourselves, that we will, by the aid of Divine grace, conform our actions in 
accordance with this resolution, and come out from among them, unless 
such bodies shall speedily separate themselves from all support of, or fel- 
lowship with, slaveholding. 

10. Ministers who neglect to pray for the abolition of slaveiy, and to 
preach against slavery, are recreant to the high duties of their commission. 

11. Theological and other seminaries of learning which avoid the ques- 
tion of slavery, or give instruction conservative of slavery, ought not to 
have the support of any Christian community. 

12. It is the obligation of ministers of the Gospel to instruct their con- 
gregations in the duties of citizens, of voters, of legislators, and of admin- 
istrative and judicial officers of the civil government. 

13. Christians have no moral right to help into office men who disregard 
Ahe rights of any class of their fellow men. 

f 14. All human constitutions and laws which contravene the laws of God, 



[20] 



are null and void ; and to all such laws ought to be applied the apostolic 
principle — " We oi;ght to obey God rather than men." 

15. Geographical or sectional feelings are inconsistent with Christian 
character; and, therefore, the terms North and South, are not the proper 
terms to designate the distinction between pro-slavery and anti-slavery 
communicants; and pro-slavery churches at the North are not to be recog- 
nized as Christian churches any more than if located at the South. 

16. It is the duty of all the churches to memoralize Congress to abolish 
the slave trade and slavery in the District of Columbia, and Avheresoever 
it may exist within the jurisdiction of the United States Government. 

17. Whilst we deeply sympathize with the colored population of the 
Southern States, we are not unmindful that the system of slavery also ex- 
tends its oppressive influence over the non-slaveholding white population, 
in the curtailment of their political rights, and in their social and educa- 
tional depression ; and we feel assured that the breaking of the fetters of 
the slave, will also elevate the condition of the oppressed white man, 
whose poverty or whose conscience prevents him from becoming a slave- 
holder. 

18. Whilst it is the duty of all Christian advocates of freedom to use all 
lawful measures to have this horrid, social, political and religious evil, 
slavery, removed, still our dependence must rest supremely upon the faith- 
ful promise of God: that for the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of 
the needy. He will arise. 

The first of the series was then discussed, and the Convention was ad- 
dressed by Messrs. Goodell, Lewis, Price, Smith, and Nevin. The further 
consideration of the resolutions was then postponed. 

The Committee upon Business and Religious Exercises, reported in part, 
which was accepted, and laid upon the table until to-morrow morning. 

Rev. C. B. Boynton offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, that a Committee, consisting of seven, be appointed to consider 
upon some method of combining the Christian Anti-Slavery influence of 
the country. 

Upon motion, it was referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Upon motion ol Rev. W. H. Brisbane, Resolved, that when the Conven- 
tion adjourns, it will adjourn to meet to-morning at 9 o'clock. 

The Convention adjourned. 



Thursday Morning, April 18, 1850. 

Convention met at 9 o'clock, A. M., Judge Stevens in the chair. The 
Scriptures were read by Rev. James Milligan, of Illinois. Prayer was of- 
fered by Rev. Professor E. H. Nevin, of Ohio. 

The minutes having been read, the Committee on Resolutions reported 
the resolution proposed by Rev. C. B. Boynton, during the afternoon of 
yesterday. Upon motion it was adopted. The following persons were 
appointed as the Commitee : Messrs. Boynton, Fee, Nevin, Craven, Good- 
ell, Sclosser, and Pettijohn. 

Discussion of the resolutions resumed. Convention addressed by Rev. 
Dr. Brisbane, Dx. Wilson, Rev. E. Smith. 

Adjourned until 3 o'clock, P. M. 



[21 ] 

Thursday Afternoon, 3 o'clock. 
Convention opened with prayer, by Mr. Goodeil, of New York. 
Discussion of the resolutions resumed, in which Messrs. Goodeil, Nevin, 
and Milligan, participated. 

The first resolution was unanimously adopted. 
Adjourned to meet at 9 o'clock, A. M., Friday. 



Friday 31orni7ig, 9 o'clock. 

Convention opened with prayer by the Rev. Archibald Kenyon. Minutes 
were read. 

On motion of Dr. Chase, a committee was appointed to secure the ser- 
vices of a Reporter for the Convention. 

On motion of Mr. Avery, Rev. C. B. Boynton was requested to place in 
the hands of the Committee of Publication, the sermon delivered by him 
on Wednesday evening last. 

On motion of Rev. W. H. Brisbane, 

Resolved, that we regard the press, whetlier religious or political in its 
character, as one of the most powerful influences which can be employed 
to form a correct public sentiment; and viewing slavery as inconsistent 
with the design of our republican institutions, and the spirit of Christianity, 
we rejoice to see any portion of the press arrayed in a Christian temper 
against it. 

On motion of Rev. C. B. Boynton, 

Resolved, that a committee of twelve be appointed, who, after the a^" 
journment of this Convention, shall hold under consideration its general 
objects, with power to fill vacancies or add to their number, and to adopt 
such measures as, in their judgment, will best promote the adoption of our 
principles, and the accomplishment of our purposes. Also, 

Resolved, that the committee above mentioned be requested to take mea- 
sures for calling another General Convention, of the character of the pre- 
sent Convention, at such time and place as they may judge e.xpedient. 

Resolved, That this Convention recommend to Christian Reformers, in the 
different States, and in the several counties of each State, to hold State and 
county conventions of a similar character. 

The committee was made to consist of the following, viz: Messrs. Boyn- 
ton, Goodman, Benton, Brisbane, Lewis, Goodeil, Nevin, Stephens, Fee, 
Whipple, Tappan, and Blanchard. 

On motion, the order of tlifc day — the discussion of the Resolutions — was 
postponed, and the resolution offered by Rev. J. G. Fee. of Kentucky, was 
taken up. 

On motion, it was Resolved, that speakers hereafter be limited to fifteen 
minutes. 

After remarks by Messrs. Brown and Smith, the Convention adjourned 
until 2 o'clock, P. M. 



[22] 

Friday Afternoon, 2 o^clock. 

Convention opened with prayer by Rev. James Milligan, of Illinois. 

Discussion of the order of the day resumed. The resolutions having been • 
read in their order, the 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and^ 
18th, were unanimously adopted. 

On motion, the 17th resolution was reconsidered, amended and adopted. 

The resolution ofl'ered by Mr. Fee was then considered, and remarks 
made by Messrs. Fee, Bushnell, Kenyon, Gregory, Nevin, Vancey. and 
Burroughs. 

Adjourned to meet at 8 o'clock, A. M. Saturday. 



Saturday Morning, April 20. 

Convention opened with the reading of the Scriptures by the Rev. J. 
Milligan, and prayer by Rev. E. Matthews. 

The minutes having been read, Judge Stevens, the President, announced' 
that he was under the necessity of returning home; whereupon the Con- 
vention gave an expressioa of thanks for the dignity and affability with 
which the duties of the chair had been discharged. 

Samuel Lewis, Esq., the temporary chairman, was, upon motion, elected 
President of the Convention. 

Discussion of the resolutions resumed. Remarks were made by Messrs. 
Lumsden, Foote, Matthews, Danbaugh, Chase, Moore, and Whipple. 

The Convention then voted upon several amendments which had been 
proposed to the resolution offered by Mr. Fee, but they were all rejected j- 
whereupon the original resolution was adopted. 

It was then moved and passed, that the resolution as adopted, be substi- 
tuted for the ninth of the regular series. 

Adjourned. 



Saturday JJtemoon, 2 o'clock. 

Convention opened with prayer by Rev. W. H. Brisbane. 

Discussion of the resolutions resumed, and the remainder of the series • 
adopted. 

The Address was then read by the Chairman of the Committee, accepted 
and adopted. The same Committee was directed to furnish, in the form 
of notes to the Address, proofs of the connection of different denominations 
with slavery. 

On motion of Mr. Whipple, Messrs. C. B. Boynton, James Birney, W. 
H. Brisbane, and S. H. Chase, were added to the committee, to act instead 
of those who reside at a distance. 

The names of different individuals from whom letters had been received, 
sympathizing with the objects of the Convention, were then read. It was 
also mentioned, that more than two thousand signers had been obtained to- 
the call for the Convention. 

On motion of J. B. Vashon, Esq., it was Resolved, that we believe that the 
American Colonization Society is a twin sister to Slavery, and has done- 



[23 ] 

incalculable injury to the i'ree colored man, and should not be countenanced 
by the Christian Churches. 

The business of the Convention being now completed, the President, in 
a very pertinent and happy manner, pronounced a valedictory, alluding 
with heartfelt gratitude to God, to the entire harmony and love which had 
characterized all the proceedings of the Convention, and the almost perfect 
unanimity with which all the resolutions had been passed. 

After prayer by Rev. Mr. Nevin, the Convention adjourned sine die. 

S. C. STEVENS, President. 
M. N. MILES, 
E. MATTHEWS, , ^ , . 
C. B. BOYNTON, > Secretaries. 
JAMES BIRNEY, 



ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN CHURCHES. 



Brethren in Christ : — Permit us, as members of tlie same house- 
hold of faith with yourselves, affectionately to invite your prayerful 
consideration, to the important subject which has called us together, 
as a Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, 

We have assembled, dear brethren, in the fear of God, seeking 
wisdom from above to guide our deliberations. We have come to- 
gether as friends of Christ's visible Church, earnestly seeking her 
peace, purity and prosperity. We love the Church. We love and 
honor her ministry, as a Heaven-appointed institution for propagating 
that gospel which is the power of God unto salvation. Our prayer to 
God is, that "Zion may arise and shine," that she may put on her 
beautiful garments, and attract multitudes of redeemed souls to her 
standard. 

It is because we love the Church that we are convened. We are 
deeply concerned for her character and influence, and the moral power 
of her saving doctrines. We have long been oppressed with the pain- 
ful conviction that these characteristics of her glory are sadly marred 
by the unhappy relation which she now holds to American Slavery. 
The results of such an unholy alliance, present and prospective, are 
what we anxiously deprecate. 

American Slavery, connected as it is witli the religious institutions 
of our country, has claims upon the anxious and prayerful considera- 
tion of Christians which cannot be innocently rejected. This is the fun- 
damental proposition on which we base our present appeal. We lay 
it down as a position which cannot be overthrown, that if the Ameri- 
can Church would sustain the slightest pretension to the benevolent 
spirit of her Redeemer, she must find in this subject matter for earnest 
thought and intense solicitude. If we can look at American Slavery 
as it is, and understand the relations which the Church sustains to this 
vile system, without being deeply moved, our hearts cannot be in sym- 
pathy with the heart of Christ. 

It is not the institution oi Jewish servitude that we urge on the con- 
sideration of the Churches, nor any questions of casuistry about Us 
nature and character. It is American Slavery alone that concerns the 
American Church, whose true character is to be learned from Ameri- 
can Slave law, and the cruel usages which it authorizes. Its nature, 
as the law defines it, is easily understood. It consists simply in 
making a human being an article o{prope)iy, subject to the usual inci- 



[ 2-. ] 

dents of property — putting him in tho category of "goods and chat- 
tels."* This 2}roperty title in beings made in the image of God, is the 
true slave relation, which is wicked in itself, and evil in all its ten- 
dencies. It is wicked, because it robs God of the souls which he has 
made for his own glory and redeemed with the precious blood of 
Christ, because it robs man of his sacred inaUenable rights, and be- 
caiise it authorizes the infamous "trade in the souls of men." This 
chattel 2mnclple, which is the essence of American Slavery, is the evil 
root from which all the atrocities of tho system germinate. Subject a 
human being to the usual incidents of property, to be governed by 
the inexorable laws of trade, and no power on earth can save him 
from liability to all the revolting cruelties of the infamous system — 
the torturesof the lash, the destruction of the family relation, the an- 
nihilation of marriage, and the brutal sundering of the dearest domes- 
tic ties. No degree of humanity on the part of the owner can secure 
stick froperhj against these distressing incidents. In the event of the 
master's death or insolvency — cases of every day occurrence — the 
arm of the law is stronger than his humanity, and the will of heirs 
and creditors more potent than his own. This property relation is 
therefore an irreconcilable foe to God and man. Like "the carnal 
mind, it is enmity against God ; for it is not subject to the law of God, 
neither indeed CAN be." To harbor and protect such an enemy in 
the bosom of the Church, is treachery to Christ. 

There are othor relations of servitude, and of involuntary subjec- 
tion, not necessarily evil, with winch the slaveholder often attempts to 
confound his own vile system, in order to hide its true character. 
But there is a heaven-wide difference between them. All other forms 
of subjection recognize in their stibject the attributes of a man. This 
is true even of the prisoner under sentence of death. The law ac- 
knowledges in him human rights, and protects them through the 
whole process of his trial and imprisonment, from his arrest to his 
execution. A man may be a hond-sermnt for life, and coinpelled to 
serve with rigor too ; yet, if his master has no power to sell liini, and 
the law acknowledges him a man, invested with human rights, limited 
though they may be, and permits him to appeal to its power for their 
protection — in other words, if the chattel relation is wanting in his 
case ; then his condition is immeasurably removed from that of the 
American slave. For the latter, the law makes no provision, except, 
alas, its severe provisions for h\s 2'>unishment\ — none for the protection 

* "Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be chattels personal in the 
hands of their owners and possessors, their executors, administrators, and assigns, to 
all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever." [Lati.'s of South Carolina, ,'>troud, 
p. 22-3.] 

" A slave," according to the Louisiana Code, "is one who is in the power of a mas- 
ter to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his indus- 
try, and his labor ; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but 
wliat must belong to his master." 

" Goods they are, and goods they shall be esteemed." [Taylor's Elements, p. 42'.). 

tTo this general fact there is one exception, the law punishes the murder 
of a slave with death ; but this legal protection is so embarrassed with other 
legal provisions as to render it of no practical value to the slave. To an 
act making the wilful murder of a slave punishable with death, is appemled 
the following proviso : Provided always, this act shall not extend to the per- 



[ 2G ] 

of his rights, because, as the courts have very consistently decided 
property itself can have no rights to be protected ; the acknowledg- 
ment of rights would destroy the property relation. In the eye of the 
law, property cannot be wronged, though it may be damaged. If slave- 
property IS mangled, and thus injured in its productive or market 
value, the nuister may recover damage of the assailant ; but it is for 
his own pocket, and not to compensate the sufferings of the helpless 
victim. It IS the ^mister's wrongs that the law redresses, not the 
slave s. 

son killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of assembly oflhi7s7a7e, 
or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful owner or master or to 
any slave dying under moderate correction."!! [Haywood's Manual, p. bZQ.} 
Uying under moderate correction." ! ! ! A slaveholder's idea oi moder- 
ation in the use of the scourge ! 

This statute provides that a master may whip his slave to death with im- 
punity or may take the life even of a virtuous female who opposes his 
wicked demands upon her moral purity, or may shoot down a runaway slave. 
f..V..^i''''^ '" outlawed, according to Judge Stroud, "whenever he runs away 
rom his master, conceals himself in some obscure retreat, and, to sustain 

521 1 "" °^ ^^"^^ ^"™^^ °^ *'^^ ^^^"^ ^'''"^■" ■ ■ [^"y^'^'^od's Manual, 

Add to this the fact that slave testimony is not admitted against a white 
man, and it will be seen how very slender is the protection which the law 
extends over the life of the slave. His only reliable protection is his pecu- 
niary value. When his fugitive propensities have taken this away, his life 
IS sacrificed without pity or remorse. Against other cruelties neither law 
nor pecuniary interest afford him protection. The Synod of Kentucky, in 
an address to the Presbyterians of that State, say, "that tlie life of a bond- 
man cannot be taken with impunity. But the law extends its protection 
no further. Cruelty might be carried to any extent, provided life be spared. 
Mang mg, imprisonment, starvation, every species of torture, may be in- 
flicted upon him, and he has no redress." 

.i,^.,®?^,'^^'*' ^^-^^ authenticated facts, almost without number, to show that 
the bodily inflictions which the law thus allows, are extensively practiced, 
and with horrible cruelty often. What else is to be expected, when, ac- 
cording to the testimony of Thomas Jefferson, "the whole commerce be- 
tween the master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous 
passions ? One fact may serve as a specimen. It is related by the Rev. J. 
iioucher: 

" V^hile on the Alabama circuit, I spent the Sabbath with an old circuit 
preacher. Who was also a doctor, living near the Horse Shoe, celebrated as 
oen. Jackson's battle ground. On Monday morning early, he was reading 
Pope s Messiah to me, when his wife called him out. I glanced mv eve out 
Of the window and saw a slave man standing by, and they consulting over 
rum. Presently the doctor took a raw hide from under his coat and began 
to cut up the half-naked back of the slave. I saw six or seven inches of 
ttie skin turn up perfectly white at every stroke, until the whole back was 
red with gore. The lacerated man cried out some at first; but at every 
blow the Dr. said, " Won't ye hush ? Won't ye hush ?" till the slave finally 
stood still and groaned. As soon as he had done, the Dr. came in panting 
almost out of breath, and addressing me, said, 'Won't you go to prayer tcith 
w'v*"*i "P°" '"y ^^^^^ ^"^ prayed, but what I said I knew not. 

wrien 1 came out, the poor creature had crept up and knelt by the door 
during prayer, and his back was a gore of blood quite to his heels. 

Would to God that such development of cruelty, even in the sacred min- 
istry, were a solitary case ! But it is far otherwise, as facts prove ; and it 
IS no more than the legitimate effect of the system upon the heart of the 
slaveholder, "That man," says Jefferson, "must be a prodigy who can re- 
tain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstance's." 



The following case is related by Frederick Dougla 
" [ had often seen black men whinned. and haa 



seen black men whipped, and had always, when the lash 



[27] 

Dr. Beatiie says, "It is impossible for a considerate and unprejudiced 
mind to think of slavery without horror. That a man, a rational and 
immortal being, should be treated on the same footing with a beast, a 
piece of wood, and bought and sold, and entirely subjected to the will 
of another man, * * * and all for no crime, but merely because he 
was bom in a certain country, or of certain parents, or because he 
differs from us in the shape of his nose, the color of his skin, or the 
size of liis lips ; if this be equitable, or excusable, or pardonable, it is 
vain to talk any longer of the eternal distinctions of right and wrong, 
truth and falsehood, good and evil." 

The most cruel inflictions of slavery are not its lacerations of the 
body. Its wounds cut deeper than the flesh of its victim, and touch 
sensibihties more acute. " Brutal stripes," as the Synod of Kentucky 
very justly remark, "and all the various kinds of personal indignities, 
are not the only species of cruelty which slavery licenses. The law 
does not recognize the fomily relation of the slave, and extends to him 
no protection in the enjoyment of domestic endearments. The mem- 
bers of a slave family may be forcibly separated, so that they shall 
never more meet until the final Judgment. And cupidity often induces 
the master to practice what the law allows. Brothers and sisters, pa- 
rents and children, husbands and wives, are torn asunder, and per- 
mitted to see each other no more. These acts are daily occurring in 
the midst of us. The shrieks and the agony often witnessed on such 
occasions, proclaim with a trumpet-tongue the iniquity and cruelty of 



was applied with great severity, heard the sufferer cry out and beg for 
mercy ; but in this case, the pain inflicted by the double blows of the hick- 
ory was so intense, that Billy never uttered so much as a groan. He shrank 
his body close to the trunk of the tree, around which his arms and legs were 
lashed, drew his slioulders up to his head, like a dying man, and trembled, 
or rather shivered, in all his members. The blood flowed from the com- 
mencement, and in a few minutes lay in small puddles at the root of the 
tree. I saw flakes of flesh as long as my finger, fall out of the gashes in his 
back ; and I believe he was insensible during all the time he was receiving 
the last two hundred lashes. When the whole five hundred lashes had been 
counted by the person appointed to perform this duty, the half-dead body 
was unbound and laid in the shade of the tree upon which I sat. The gen- 
tlemen who had done the whipping, eight or ten in number, being joined by 
their friends, then came under the tree, and drank punch until their dinner 
was made ready, under a booth of green bougiis at a short distance." 

If our reasonings on tliis subject were more accustomed to contemplate 
slavery as it is, rather than slavery in the abstract, those who have Christian, 
or even human feelings, would come to more correct conclusions as to its 
character. 

It is sometimes said that such specimens of cruelty do not fairly represent 
the character of slavery, because they are exceptions to the general prac- 
tice. So we might say, when a hungry tiger bounds from his hiding place 
upon a terrified company of men, women and children, and bears off a man- 
gled, bleeding, human victim to his jungle— such a scene as Grandfere wit- 
nessed in India — that such a case is an exception to the general experience 
of the inhabitants, and does not therefore fairly represent the character of 
the tiger, because most of the people are left unmolested by him I The- 
truth is, such facts, whether few or many, show the natural ferocity of the 
monster, in both cases. If there are slaves that are spared the cruelties of 
the ferocious system, they owe it to humanity, and not to the clemency of 
the monster Slavery. Besides, if cruelties are exceptions to the general 
practice, they form, to say the least, a very large class of exceptions, as the 
scarred backs of thousands of slaves, and other marks of violence on thein 
persons, can testify. 



[28 ] 

our system. The cries of these sufferers go up to the ears of the Lord 
of Saboath. There is not a neighborhood where these heart-rending 
scenes are not displayed. There is not a village or road that does 
not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and. 
mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by force from all that 
their hearts hold dear."* 

Slavery chains and imprisons the soul. Knowledge is power — 
power which is deemed unsafe in the possession of the slave. Hence 
slave law denies him letters by the most severe enactments ; and, in 
thus darkening the windows of his soul, shuts out from it the redeem- 
ing light of the gospel. The Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, 
in a " report," published in 1834, say, that " the ner/roes are destittdeof 
the privileges of the gospel, and ever will he, uivder the 2>resent state of 
things /" that, " in this Christian republic, there are over two million 
of human beings in the condition of heathen, and, in some respects, in 
a worse condition ;" that "their moral and religious condition is such, 
as ;that they may justly be considered the heathen of this Christian 
country, and will bear comparison loith the heathen in any country in the 
world ;^' that " it is universally the fact throughout the slaveholding 

* The following case is related by the editor of Zion's Watchman. It occurred in 
Philadelphia. 

"As I was walking in Chesnut street, near the Court House, I saw many people, both 
white and colored, going in. I inquired the cause, and was told that a person claimed 
as a fugitive was to be tried. I went in; but the person claimed as property, had been 
tried, and the Judge was about to deliver his opinion. The house was filled ; and all 
seemed to be waiting with the deepest anxiety. Soon the door opened, and the Sheriff 
entered, followed by afemnle, whose appearance was that of a white lady ; — she was 
in delicate circumstances — was leaning upon the arm of her husbarid ; — they advanced 
slowly, and with great anxiety upon their countenances, and took their seats, with 
their eyes fixed on the judge. All was silent as the grave. 

The judge now commenced with the testimony, which was, that this woman came 
to this city about five years ago— that during this time she was married — that she was 
the mother of one male child, which was said to be entirely white, and was now about 
two years old. After going through all the testimony, he seemed to come to a pause. 
This was a moment ot awful suspense to this innocent female, as she sat trembling 
and pale, supported by her husband. Soon the judge broke silence, by pronouncing 
her a slave. No sooner had the words fallen from his lips, ' I must give a warrant to 
take you back,' than she screamed and fell on the floor. Her cries might have been 
heard far oft', ' O, my child, my child ! O, my dear, dear husband ! / cannot, cannot 
leave you. While her husband appeared to be trying to comfort her, and was attempt- 
ing to raise her up, with eyes streaming with grief, 1 heard a voice, saying, ' Take her 
to jail.' She was immediately surrounded by a number of officers, taken up, put into 
a close carriage, and hurried off, uttering the most heart-rending cries that ever fell 
upon my ears. I turned aside to give vent to my feelings in a flood of tears.'' 

Henry B. Stanton relates a case which he witnessed in North Carolina. It was the 
case of a phrenzied mother which he passed on the road, of which the following is an 
extract : 

" They've gone ! they've gone! The soul-drivers have got them. Master would 
sell them. 1 told him I couldn't live without my children. 1 tried to make him sell 
me too; but he beat me and drove me off, and 1 got away and followed after them, 
and the drivers whipped ine back ;— and I never shall see my children again. Oh ! 
what shall 1 do !' The poor creature shrieked and tossed her arms al)out with maniac 
wildness— and beat her bosom, and literally cast dust into the air, as she moved to- 
ward tile village. At the last glimpse I had of her, she was nearly a quarter of a 
mile from us, still throwing handfuUs of sand around her, with the same phrenzied 
air." 

" Exceptions," such as these, are distressingly numerous. The Natchez Courier 
states, " that during the year 1836, no less than 250,000 slaves were carried into Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas." 

The number of domestic ties that were cruelly sundered by these " business opera- 
lions," must have been much greater. " Shall not my soul be avenged on such a na- 
tion as this ?" 



[29] 

States, either custom or law prohibits them the acquisition of letters, 
and, consequently, they can have no access to the Scriptures ;" that 
♦' in the vast lield extending from an entire State beyond the Potomac 
to the Sabine river, and from the Atlantic to the Ohio, there are, to the 
best of our knowledge, not twelve men exclusively devoted to the reli- 
gious instruction of the negroes. * * * TJwitsands and thousands hear 
not the sound of tJie gospd, or ever enter a church from one year to ano- 
ther. * * * They have no Bibles to read at their own firesides — no 
family altars ; and when in affliction, sickness, or death, they have no 
ministers to address to them the consolations of the gospel, nor to bury 
them with solemn and appropriate services."* 

There is a powerful combination of causes, all conspiring to shut 
out the light of the true gospel from the mind of the slave. 

1. Denying him the Bible we have seen, is one. 

2. The want of proper religious teachers, is another. 

Not twelve men devoted to this work in all the slaveholding States ! 
The truth is, a vice-breeding miasma, such as slavery creates, is not 
the moral climate to raise up ministers of the gospel. "As to minis- 
ters of their own color," say the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, 
"they are destitute, infinitely, both in point of numbers and qualifica- 
tions, to say nothing of the fact, that such a ministry is looked upon 
with distrust and discountenanced. But do not the negroes have ac- 
cess to the gospel," they add, "through the stated ministry of the 
whites ? No. * * * If wo take the whole number of ministers in the 
slave-holding States, but a very small 2)ortion j^ny any attention to them. 
* * * The negroes have no regular and efficient ministry ; as a mat- 
ter of course, no churches ; neither is there sufficient room in the 
white churches for their accommodation. We know of but /'re churches 
in the slaveholding States built expressly for their use." 

3. Another cause is, the slave's natural repugnance to receiving 
the gospel from his oppressors. This reason was forcibly explained 
by the Rev. S. K. Smead, — formerly a Kentucky slaveholder, — in a 
Presbyterian and Congregational Convention in Cincinnati. He 
found, to his surprise, an obstinate unwillingness in liis slaves to re- 
ceive religious instruction or religious privileges from their master, 
(though a man of undoubted piety and benevolence,) and he had 

* Proofs of this kind could be multiplied. A writer in the Charleston Observer says: 

''I hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our Synod (the Synod of 
South Carolina and Georgia), there are at least one hundred thoumnd sl.avex, speaking 
the same language as ourselves, who never heard of the plan of salvation by a Re- 
deemer." 

A writer in the Western Luminary— a religious paper published in Lexington, Ken- 
tucky — says : 

" I proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that heathenism is as real in the slave 
States as it is in the South-Sea Islands." 

The Rev. C. C. Jones, in a sermon preached in Georgia in 1831, says : 

"Generally speaking, they [the slaves] appear to us to be without God and without 
hope in the world— a nation of heathen in our very midst. We cannot cry out against 
the Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people, and keeping them 
in ignorance of the way of life, for we witliliold the Bible from our servants, and keep 
them in ignorance of it." 

The New Orleans Presbytery, so late as the year 1816, report, that " there are within 
the boimds of the Presbytery at least 100,000 colored persons, most of whom are slaves. 
It is a lamentable fact, that by far the greater part arefamishijig and perishing for the 
bread of life.'''' 



[30] 

been compelled to resort to the lash to induce them to attend to family 
worship. When he gave his slaves their freedom, the difficulty was 
both explained and removed.* 

4. A fourth cause is, that what little of the gospel the slaves have 
an opportunity to learn, is, to a lamentable extent, a spurious, adulter- 
ated gospel. Slavery can no more endure a pure gospel than Popery, 
for its tendency is to " break every yoke." The same tyranny that 
binds the bodies and souls of men, puts the gospel also under bonds, 
to be dealt out only in such stinted and corrupted editions as will best 
subserve its own ends.f The gospel preached every where at the 

* The Rev. C. C. Jones, " whose praise is in all the churches," for his indefat- 
igable labors in the spiritual service of the slaves, relates the following fact : 

" I was preaching to a large congregation, on the epistle to Philemon; and when 
I insisted on fidelity and obedience, as Christian virtues in servants, and, upon the 
authority of Paul, condemned the practice of kunning awav, one hulf of my au- 
dience deliberately rose up and walked off with themselves; and those who remained 
looked any thing but satisfied with the preacher or his doctrines. After dismis- 
sion, there was no small stir among them; some solemnly declared there was no 
such Epistle in the Bible ; others, that it was not the gospel ; others, that 1 preached 
to please the masters ; others, that they did not care if they never heard me preach 
again." 

A gospel that does not sympathize with human suffering has no power over the 
heart of the sufferer. The Savior commended liimself to human sympathies by 
"preaching deliverance to the captives, and the opening of the prison to them that 
are bound." 

Judge Jay publishes the following anecdote: 

" A fugitive slave told his friends at the North, that he had ceased receiving 
the Lord's supper in the church to which he had been attached, because the church 
had sold his brother to pay for their communion plate; and, said he, 'I could not 
bear to go forward and receive the communion from vessels that were purchased 
with my brother's blood.' '' 

t Popery and Slavery both employ the sanctions of religion for the same object- 
to induce submission to their own tyrannic rule. A compound of ignorance and 
superstition is the kind of religion that best subserves this end. Superstition rever- 
ences false deities, and is guided by a false standard of moral obligation. Popery puts 
the Church in the place of God, and teaches that implicit obedience to all her man- 
dates is the only way to be saved. " The way to be saved," which slaves are taught, 
is " to be obedient and subject to their masters in all things.''' This is the never 
failin;? theme of their white teachers. " Do all service for Ihem, as if you did it 
for God himself. * * * What faults you are guilty oftowards your masters >nd 
mistresses, are faults done against God himself, who hath set your masters and 
mistresses over you in his own stead, and expects thai you will do for them ju.st 
as you would do for him. And pray do not think that I want to deceive you, 
when I tell you that your masters and inislresscs are God's over.feers; and that if 
you are faulty towards them, God himself will punish you severely for it in the 
next world, unless you repent of it, and strive to make amends by yom faithful- 
ness and dilligciice for the lime to come; for God himself hath declared the same." — 
Bishop 3Iende\<< Discourses to Servants. 

The same preacher urge.s upon slaves fidelity to their masters by the terrible 
sanctions of a judgment to come: 

"Remember that God requires this of you, and if you are not afraid of 
suffering for it here," (for not being caref^ul of their masters' goods,) "you 
cannot escape the vengeance of Almighty God, who will judge between yon 
and your masters, and make you pay severely, in the next world, for all the 
injustice you do them here.'' 

He teaches them the rightfulness of their condition, by the consider- 
ation that it is the appointment of Heaven: 

" Almighty God hath been pleased to make you slaves here, and to give 
you nothing but labor and poverty in this world, which you are obliged to 
submit to, as it is his will that it should be so.'' [Then it is the will of God 
that the white man should oppress the black man, and it is the slave only 
that has the judgments of God to fear, for being unwilling to suffer oppres- 
sion!] 



[31 ] 

•South, is, at best, a mutilated gospel. With the exception of our 
beloved brother from Lewis county, Ky., (Rev. John G. Fee,) we 
know of no Southern preacher at the present time, who can say with 
Paul, " 1 have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of 
God." The Rev. Amos Dresser writes, " On my return from Nash- 
ville, in 1835, I called on the Rev. J. W. Hall, of Gallatui, thirty 

The bishop even makes tlie golden rule support the right of oppression: 

" All things whatsoever ye trould that men should do unto you, do ye even 
so unto thcni; that is, do by all mankind just as you would de.sire they should 
do by you, if you were in their place and they in yours." 

"Now to suit this rule to your particular circumstances: Suppose you 
were masters and mistresses and had servants under you, would you not de- 
sire that your servants should do their business faithfully and honestly? * * 
That they should behave themselves with respect towards you and yours? 
* * You are servants, do therefore as you would wisli to be done by." 

Let us try another application of the same rule: Suppose you were a band 
of highwaymen, would you not desire every traveller you meet to deliver up 
his purse? "Do therefore as you would wish to be done by;" give up your purse, 
.as the rule requires, to the first robber that presents a pistol to your breast. 
The rule is as just and obligatory on the victim of highway robbery, as the 
victim of slaveholding robbery. "If you were a slaveholder, and were daily 
and hourly robbing human beings of all their earnings, of every thing dear to 
humanity, would you not desire that your victims would submit to your 
outrages?" 

Rev. Joshua Boucher says "that the slaves of the South are taught that God 
made them black with the design that they should be slaves. A man who 
had been held as a slave in Virginia, where a meeting-house was erected to 
afford slaves an opportunity of listening to special preaching, asked me if it 
was in the Bible that he should be a slave, and said they had always 
told him it was there, that they (the colored people) should be slaves." 

Bishop Meade exhorts slaves not to "grumble or repine at their condition; 
for this will not only make your life uneasy, but will greatly offend Almighty 
God. Consider that it is not yourselves — it is not the people that you belong 
to — it is not the men that have brought you to it — but it is the will of God, 
who by his providence hath made you servants, because, no doubt, he knew 
that condition would be best for you in this world, and help you the better 
towards heaven, if you would but do your duty in it. So that any discon- 
tent at your not being free or rich, or great, as you see some others, is quar- 
relling with your heavenly Master, and finding fault with God himself, who 
hath made you what you are." 

Again: " Some he hath made masters and mistresses for taking care of 
their children and others that belong to them. * * » Some he hath made 
servants and slaves, to assist and work for their masters and mistresses that 
provide for them." 

The children of Israel, when in the Egyptian house of bondage, had an 
"Almighty God," who sympathised with their affliction, and " heard their cry 
by reason of their task-masters;" and futurity will, lu) doubt, reveal the 
fact that oppressed Americans have also such a God, who " will be greatly 
offended" at the cruelty of the oppressor, rather than the groaning of the 
oppressed- But the God in whom the slaves are taught to believe, who has 
appointed slave-drivers to be his "overseers" of men, to be reverenced and 
obeyed as the proper representative of his own character and autliority, is a 
very different being from Israel's Cod. A God who takes part with the op- 
pressor in crushing the oppressed, has no attribute to recommend him to the 
heart of the slave. "Uon'tyou love God?" said a minister to a colored 
boy. "What! me love God, who made me with a black skin, and white 
man to whip me!" Thus the preachers of a spurious gospel, which 
sanctifies cruelty and oppression, actually teach the slave to hatk God. 
Says the Hon. Wm. Jay: 

"The very peculiar character of that Christianity which is offered to the 
.slaves is well calculated to insure its rejection by them. Love is the great 



[32] 

miles from Nashville, and shall not soon forget the kindness shown 
me by himself and family. In speaking of the moral desolation of 
the country, he gave it as his opinion, that if slavery coniinued five 
years longer, there would not be found a devoted minister of the 
gospel in all the South ; and added, ' If I should preach the whole 
truth to my people, I could not stay with them three months.' " Cas- 

motive, argument and command of the gospel. God is love. God so loved 
the world that he gave his only begotten Son. We love God because he first 
loved us. Love one another, so shall all men know that ye are my disciples. 
When toe are cruelly and unjustly treated, we know that we suffer in viola- 
tion of the precepts of our religion. Far different is the religion offered to 
the slave. He is instructed that the common Father of us all has authorized 
a portion of his children to convert the others into articles of merchandize. 
The favored children, moreover, are permitted to withhold from their breth- 
ren the revelation made by their heavenly Father, and which he has declared 
is able to make them wise unto salvation. The slave also learns by expe- 
rience, that to him is denied the marriage and the parental relations — blessed 
boons, expressly conferred by God upon others." 

We can now discover the reason why Southern planters have of late become 
so much in favor of having the gospel preached to their slaves. We have 
sometimes exhilarating intelligence from that quarter. The gospel has of late 
found so much favor in the eyes of godless planters, that their benevolence 
would gladly support preachers on their plantations at their own expense. 
Why should they not, when such a gospel will yield an hundred per cent, on the 
original cost V Stir up the religious element in the slave, and teach his cre- 
dulity " that his supreme rule of duty and measure of morality consists in 
yielding implicit obedience" to his master'.s authority; and it will enhance both 
his master's profits and his market value. A slaveholder in South Carolina 
told Dr. Brisbane, in 1844, •' that religion had done more for him with his slaves 
than four wagon loads of cowskins." 

The Charleston Mercury says : 

" No longer than ten or twelve years since, when the plan of sending the 
missionaries to our blacks was first entered upon, we all remember the oppo- 
sition it raised among many of our planters, who were averse to it as an inno- 
vation fraught with ill consequences, they could not tell what, but which they 
were determined not to risk." 

It was the enlightening effect of an unadulterated Christianity which these 

Elanters feared. And they had reason to fear it. Let the slaves learn the equal 
rotherhood of the human race, as tauglil in the Bible, and the impartial love 
of the Father, who sympathizes with his oppressed children, and denounces 
wrath on the oppressor, and they would understand their own rights, and the 
criminality of slaveholding usurpation. The unadulterated Bible among the 
slaves is still regarded with dread, as the following treatment of a Bible agent 
at New Orleans, a few years since, is sufficient to show : 

" Chauncey B. Black was brouglit before Recorder Baldwin, charged with 
tampering with slaves. It was proved that he was seen conversing with a 
number of tliem in the street; that he asked them if they could read and write, 
and if tliey would like a Bible. This was the amount of the testimony against 
him. In palliation of his conduct, it was shown that he was regularly appointed 
agent of the Bible Society in New Orleans, to distribute the Bible to such as 
would accept of it. The Society, however, disclaimed having the most distant 
intention of giving the Scriptures to slaves; and it was said Black had exceeded 
his commission in offering it. But as it appeared to be a misunderstanding 
on his part, and not intenticmal interference with the peculiar institution, he 
was discharged with a caution not to repeat his offense." — N. O. Picayune. 

But oral religious instruction, the planters have found to be both safe and 
salutary. Mr. Jones, among his other labors for the slaves (or rather tlie slave- 
holders), has prepared a catechism for their instruction. One of his questions 
is, "Is it right for the servant to run away V or is it right to harbor a runa- 
way?" Answer: "No." The salutary effect of this catechism is thus de- 
scribed by a South Carolina planter, ni a letter dated May, 1845 : 



[33 1 

sins M. Clay, of Kemucky, says, " the bells of seven churches weekly 
toll in my ears, till I am deaf wiili the sound, calling up tlie people 
to the worship of the ever-living and omnipotent God. * * * And 
yet, scenes which would have added fresii infamy to Babylon, and 

"A near neighbor of mine, a prominent member of the Church to which 
he belonged, had contented himself with giving his people the usual reli- 
gious privileges. About six months ago, he commenced giving them special 
religious instruction. He used Jones' Catechism principally. » * * He 
states that he has now comparatively no trouble in their management." 

"Tlie wretched slaves," says Mr. Jay, "are required by their religious 
teachers to believe that God requires them to remain voluntarily in a state 
of ignorance and degradation, and even to refuse their aid to tlieir wives, 
children and friends, who are endeavoring to recover their liberty ! Such a 
doctrine is alone sufTicient to give the negroes a disgust to the religion of 
which they are assurcil it forms a part." 

" Is there a slave, is there a white man, who believes that the Rev. C. C. 
Jones, if through some misfortune or violence, he should be reduced to bon- 
dage in Russia or Turkey, would not, in spite of his catechism, embrace the 
first favorable opportunity to run away ? or that he would be restrained by 
scruples of conscience, from harboring a fellow countryman, who had par- 
tially succeeded in making his escape '?" 

It was right for the white men of the American Revolution to fight for free- 
dom, and spill the blood of thousands in securing it. But for black men to 
seek freedom, from an oppression ten thousand times worse than our fathers 
ever felt, and tliat by the most harmless means, without offering violence to 
any man, is a sin against God, according to the ethics of a pro-slavery reli- 
gion ! 

A meeting in Charleston, in 1845, addressed a circular to prominent plant- 
ers in South Carolina and Georgia, asking for information on the subject "of 
the influence of religious instruction upon the discipline of plantations, and 
the spirit and the subordination of the negroes." The following are some 
of the responses : 

"Plantations under religious instruction are more easily governed than 
those that are not." Thomas Cook. 

" Upon the discipline and subordination of plantations, religious instruc- 
tion will be found generally and decidu-dly beneficial." John Diisou. 

" I have found the owners of plantations around, not only willing but de- 
sirous that we should preach to their negroes ; and they find, as they expect, 
a better spirit and subordination among them." Wtn. Curtis. 

"The deeper the piety of the slave, the more valuable is he in every 
sense, of the word," [for work or for sale.] James Gillam. 

"A regard to self-interest should lead every planter to give his people re- 
ligions instruction." jV. R. Middlrton. 

"All our negroes have, to a great extent, grown up under religious in- 
struction. » * * They are more obedient and more to be depended on. 
We have fevD or no runaways." Nicholas Ware. 

"Planters generally are encouraged by the good resulting from religious 
instruction. * » * There arc colored Methodist and Baptist religious 
teachers, and the 'practical results' of the teaching of these preachers, (so 
far as my experience goes,) are decidedly bad." J. Stewart Hanchell. 

If, with this spirit of subordination, true piety and gospel morality were 
found associated, it would show that "the religious instruction," defective 
as it is, is profitable to the slare, as well as the master. A quiet, unresist- 
ing spirit is among the eflects of true religion in the soul : but it is not ex- 
ercised on the slaveholder's principle — the righteousness of oppression — but 
on the gospel principle of forgiveness of injuries. A pro-slavery religion 
never teaches submission to the oppressir on such a principle. "The slave 
is taught," says Mr. Jay, "that those privations and sufferings which he en- 
dures, * » are in perfect accordance with the precepts of his religion ; and 
that to pray for the forgiveness of his oppressor would be but to insult that 
divine Majesty which clothed the oppressor with power, and authorized him. 
to use it in crushinf his weaker brother." 
3 



[34 ] 



\vrested the palm of reckless cruelty from Nero's bonfire, Rome, 
have been enacted, not in a corner. And the sentinels of Him 'whose 
arm is not shortened,' from the watch-towers of Israel, have not 
ceased to cry out, ' all is well.' "* 

" By their fruits ye shall know them." This test is as applicable to princi- 
ples and systems of religious instruction, as to the characters of men. We 
have seen the "fruits" of real religious instruction to the slaves, as far as 
profit to his master is coucerned. Is there also "fruit unto holiness, whose 
end is eternal life ?" Wc have souglit for answers to this question from au- 
thentic sources. 

Dr. Lafon, who was once a master and a trafficker of slaves, says : 

"In the slave States of this country, it is claimed that there are many 
thousands of slaves who have been hopefully converted to God. Without 
undertaking to say that these supposed conversions are spurious, we do say, 
on the testimony of those well qualified to form a correct opinion in the pre- 
iTiises, that the religion of a large portion of the degraded slaves, consists chiefly in 
superstition, fanatical practices, and an obsequious seroility to the tyrants who rule 
them." 

The Rev. C. C Jones, whom we have repeatedly referred to, says : 

" The description which the apostle Paul, in his epistle to the Romans, 
gives of the heathen world, will apply with very little abatement to our ne- 
groes. They lie, blaspheme, are slothful, envious, malicious, inventors of 
evil things, deceivers, covenant breakers, implacable, unmerciful." 

This is his description of their character without God. "Of the profes- 
sors OF RELIGION amoug them," he says : 

"There are many of questionable piety, who occasion the different church- 
es great trouble in discipline, for they are extremely ignorant, and frequently 
are guilty of the grossest vices." 

The Rev. Dr. Dalcho, of St. Michael's Church, Charleston, says : 

There is little confidence to be placed in the religious professions of 
NEGROES. I speak generally. Much animal excitement may be, and often 
times is, produced, where but little real devotion is felt in the heart." 

The Rev. Dr. Nelson, formerly from Tennessee, says : 

" The concentrated recollection of thirty years, furnishes me with three in- 
stances only, where I could say I have reason, from the known walk of that 
slave, to believe him or her a sincere Christian." 

A spurious gospel produces a spurious religious experience, and a spurious 
religious practice. 

*We have noticed the very defective gospel which is preached, at the South, to the 
slaves— and the fruits of it. A very natural inquiry in this connexion is, what is the 
character of the gospel which is preached to the masters ? Judging the tree by its 
fruits, our conclusion is not the most favorable. Miss Harriet Marlineau, who travel- 
ed throughout the South, gives the following description of Southern preachers and 
preaching : 

"Of tiie Presbyterians, as well as otlier clergy of the South, some are even planters, 
superintending the toils of their slaves, and making purchases or effecting sales in the 
slave markets, during the week, and preaching on Sundays whatever they can devise 
that is least contradictory to their daily practice. 1 watched closely the preaching in 
the South— that of all denominations— te see what could be made of Christianity, "the 
highest fact in the rights of man," in such a region. I found the stricter religionists 
preaclnng reward and punishment in connection with modes of belief, and hatred of 
the Catholics. I found the more philosophical preaching for or against materialism, 
and diverging to phrenology. I found the more quiet and 'gentlemanly' preaching 
harmless abstractions— the four seasons, the attributes of the Deity, prosperity and ad- 
versity, &c. * * I heard one noble religious discourse from the Rev. Joel Parker, 
a Presbyterian clergyman, of New Orleans; [before Mr. Parker went to New Orleans 
he was ranked with that class of Northern preachers, who were wont to apply the 
gospel which they preached to the details of moral life;] but, e.\cept that one, I never 
heard any availaljle reference made to the grand truths of religion, or principles of 
morals. The great principles which regard the three relations, to God, man, and self, 
were never touched upon. Meantime the clergy were pretending to find express sanc- 
tions of slavery in the Bible ; and putting words to this purpose in the mouths of pub- 
lic men, wlio do not profess to remember the existence of the Bible in any other con- 
nexion. The clergy were boasting at public meetings, that there was not a periodical 



[35 ] 

The aggregate of evils produced by slavery, is beyond the power of 
the human mind to estimate. A principle which makes mercliandize 
of the bodies and the souls and the rights of men — and of the ten- 
derest relations of domestic life — and merchandize oi female virtue, ne- 

aouth of the Potomac which did not advocate slavery; and some were even setting up 
a msigazine, whose "fundamental principle is, that man ought to be the property of 
man ?" 

The state of society at the South, furnishes a reasonable [)re9umption that the charac- 
ter of the preaching there is no better than iMiss Martiiieau describes it to he. A pure 
gospel, faithfully preached, never fails to e.xert a purifying effect on the morals ot so- 
ciety, beyond tiiat of any other agency. One of the most unanswerable arguments 
against Romanism, therefore, is, the wretched state of morals— the in.socurity of life, 
()roperty and virtue — in those countries which arc solely under the influence of tliis 
Church, such as Spain and Me.xico. A few (|uotations, from Southern authorities, 
may serve to show how powerless for good is xtareholding religion. 

The Governor of Kentucky, in liis message, in 1837, says: 

"We long to see the day when the law will assert its majesty and stop the wanton 
destruction of lite whicii almost daily occurs within the jurisdiction of this common- 
wealth. MkN >m-iiUTER F.ACII OTHKR WITH .\LMOST I'KRFECT IMPUNITY. A SpecieS of 

common law has grown uj) in Kentucky, which, were it written down, would in all 
civilized countries, cause her to he re-christened in derision, the land of blood." 
[That day he will never see while slavery continues, and the ministers of religion jus- 
tify it.] 

The Bishop ot Kentucky said, that some with Mliom he had conversed, esti- 
mated the number of murders in that State at 80 i)er annum ; but he rated them at 
about 30; and that not "an instance of capital punishment in any white offender" 
had occurred for the last three years. "It is believed," he says, "that there are more 
homicides, on an average of two years, in any of our most populous counties, than in 
the whole of several of our States, of equal, or nearly equal population of Kentucky." 

Gov. McVay, of Alabama, says : 

"^Ve hear of honucidc^ in ditferent parts of the State continually, and yet have few 
convictions and still fewer e.xecutions. Why do we iiear of stabbings and shootings, 
almost daily, in some part or other of our State." 

"The moral atmosphere of our State," says a Mississippi paper, "appears to be in a 
deleterious and sanguinary condition. Almost every e.xchange paper which reaclies 
us, contains some inhuman and revolting case of murder, or death by violence." It 
avers that not less than fifteen such cases have occurred within the certain know- 
lodge of the editor, "within the past three months." 

The New Orleans Bee, of May 23rd, 1838, says, that a "frightful deluge or nu- 

VA.N BLOOD FLOWS THF.OUOH OUR STREETS AND OUR PLACES OF PUBLIC RESORT." 

This spirit of violence is found, alas, in the Church, and in the sacred mmistnf. 
The Rev. Amos Dresser, for the crime of being an abolitionist, was sentenced, by "a 
lynch court at Nashville, to receive 20 lashes with a cowskin, upon his bareback. 
"Among my triers," he says, "was a great portion of the respectability of Nashville. 
Nearly half of the whole number, professors of Christianity, the reputed stay of tlie 
Church — supporters of the cause of benevolence, in the form of Tract and Missionary 
Societies and Sabbath schools — several members, and most of the elders of the Pres- 
byterian Church, from whose hands, but a few days before, I had received the em- 
blems of the broken body and shed blood of our blessed Savior." ( ! ! I ; One of tliem 
was a Cambellite minister. 

The editor of the Georgia Chronicle, a professor of religion ! said, that "Dresser 
ought to have been hanged as hi^:h as Hainan, and left there to rot upon the gibbet, 
until the wind whistled through his bones ; and added, that the cry of the whole South 
should be death, instant death to the Abolitionist, wherever he is caught." 

The Rev. Thomas S. Witherspoon, of Alabama, wrote to the editor of the Eman- 
cipator : 

"When the tardy process of the law is too long in redressing our grievances, we of 
the South have adopted the summary remedy ot Judge Lynch — and really I think it 
0(t\e of the most wholesome and salutary remedies for the malady of Northern fanati- 
cism, that can be applied. * * * j,et your einisaries dare venture to cross the 
Potomac, and I cannot promise you that their late will be less than Ilaman's." 

The Rov. William S. Plummer, D. D., of Virginia, a very prominent and influen- 
tial minister of the Presbyterian Church— and the author of devotional writings of a 
hiMi character — in a letter to the Chairman of a Committee, appointed by the citizena 
of Kichmond, uses, among other violent expressions, the following language : 

"If Abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair that they should have 
the first inaDJiing at the fire.'''' 

If any one is in doubt what this '■'■warming'" — recommended by this distinguished 
•Southern divine — means, lie will find it explained in the following threat of the New 
'- )rleans True American, against "the Bostonians, one and all :'" 



[30] 

cessarily tramples on every precept of the Decalogue (*). It is evil in 
all its tendencies ; — a Bohon Upas that poisons the moral atmosphere 
all around it. The injuries it inflicts on the oppressed, are returned, 
if possible, with double vengeance on the head of the oppressor. It 
pollutes the morals of a rising family, depraves and degrades society, 

"Let them send out their men to Louisiana; they will never return to tell their suf- 
fering, but they shall expiate the'crime of interfering in our domestic institutions, by 
being burned at the stake." 

The Rev. Robert Anderson, writing to the Sessions of the Presbyterian Congrega- 
tions within the bounds of West-Hanover Presbytery, Va., closes with the following 
sentence : 

"If there be any stray goat of a minister among us, tainted with the blood-hound 
principles of Abolitionism, let him be ferretted out, silenced, excommunicated, and 
left to the public to dispose of him in other respects''' — in plain English, to hang or bum 
him, in execution of the sentence of Judge Lynch. And for what ? Why, tor being 
tainted with the principles of Christianity ! — with the spirit of the Good Samaritan ! 

Must we be subjected to the charge of "schism," for proposing to "withdraw" from 
such Churches and such ministers ? 

The Charleston riot of 183.^), which sacked the post-office, and made a bonfire of a 
portion of its contents, and the events connected with it, furnish a most humiliating 
exhibition of the character of a pro-slavery religion. The rioters called a public 
meeting for the avowed purpose of controlling the freedom of the mail. The Charles- 
ton Courier gave the particulars of the meeting, among which it notices, with evident 
gratification, the following : 

"The CLERGY, of all denominations, attended in a body, lending their sa7ictio7iio the 
proceedings, and addinj^ by their presence to the impressive character of the scene." 

A grievous fault of the American pulpit, at the present time, is its silence on the 
subject of popular sins. But the Charleston "clergy," it seems, were not satisfied 
merely to withhold that rebuke from public, outrageous sins, which, as the watchmen 
of Zion, the salt of the earth, and the light of the world, they were sacredly bound to 
administer ; they must even "lend their sanction'" to such sins, directly and publicly, 
by presenting themselves "in a body," on the occasion, for this very purpose. 

But the master, to whom these ministers of sin had "yielded themselves servants to 
obey," had still more work for them, in his vile service. "The sacrifice of decency 
in attending this lawless meeting," says Mr. Jay, "was not the only one which the 
Charleston clergy oflered on the altar of slavery," as appears from the following reso- 
lution, passed at the slaveholder's meeting: 

^'Eesolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due to the reverend gentlemen of 
the clergy in this city, who have so prompfh/ and so effectually responded to the public 
sentiment, by suspending their schools, in which the free colored population were 
taught ; and that this meeting deem it a patriotic action, worthy of all praise, and 
proper to be imitated by the teachers of similar schools throughout the State." 

It may secure ^'■(he praise of [wicked] men," for ministers of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
to drive children from their Sunday schools, because they are black, but not "the praise 
of God." 

If there are Christians who desire to "join themselves" in religious fellowship with 
these worshippers of the American Moloch, wc are not of the number. 

*The following definition of slavery by the Rev. R. J. Breckenridgc, D. D., a native 
of Kentucky, and raised a slaveholder, fully sustains this position .- 

"What is slavery, as it exists among us? We reply, it is that condition, enforced 
by the Uws of one-half the States ot this confederacy, in which one portion of the 
community, called masters, is allowed such power over another portion called slaves, 
as — 

L To deprive them of the entire earnings of their own labor, except only so much 
as is necessary to continue labor itself, by continuing healthy existence— thus com- 
mitting clear robbery. 

2. To reduce them to the necessity of universal concubinage, by denying to them 
the civil rights of marriage— thus breaking up the dearest relations of life, and en- 
couraging universal prostitution. 

3. To deprive them of the means and opportunities of moral and intellectual cul- 
ture; in many States making it a high penal offence to teach them to read— thus j)er- 
petuating whatever evil there is that proceeds from ignorance. 

4. To set up between parents and their children an authority higher than the im- 
pulse of nature and the laws of God, which breaks up the authority of the father over 
his own offspring, and at pleasure separates the mother at a returnless distance from 
her child— thus abrogating the clear laws of nature, thus outraging all decency and 
jUBtice, and degrading and oppressing thousands upon thousands of beings created like 



L3T ] 

and engenders a spirit of violence and blood.* Slavery is a crime 
which is at this moment working immense mischief to the moral, so- 
cial, civil and religious interests of our country — waging a deadly war 
against the principles of righteousness in the Church, and of liberty 
in the State, and threatening to overthrow all that our fathers toiled 
and bled for ; — a crime which, according to the established laws of 
God's moral and providential government, exposes our nation, most 
fearfully, to the terrible judgments of Heaven, and, unless repented 
of, the sure presage of wrath and niin. 

But why Avaste arguments, perhaps you are ready to reply, on a 
point which we are all ready to admit ? Every body acknowledges 
that slavery is a giant evil, of portentous aspect. We ask our breth- 
ren, then, in all candor, ought such an evil to be winked at by the Church 
of God? Is it not a matter which has claims upon our sympathies of 
the strongest kind? Is it consistent widi the benevolence which our 
religion professes, to pass coldly by the bleeding victim of robbery and 
oppression cast at our feet, like the Priest and Levite in the parable, 
without extending a helping hand to the sufferer, or uttering a syllable 
of remonstrance against the cruelty of his spoiler ? We would affec- 
tionately ask our Christian brethren, if the apathy which now per- 
vades the American Church on this deeply interesting subject — the 
disposition, which is extensively manifested, to close our churches, our 
pulpits, our ears, and our hearts against it — is not derogatory to the 
character of the Church, and dishonorable to the religion of which it 
is the professed embodiment ? Has her moral sense become so mor- 
bid, that she is deaf to the cry of the poor, and her conscience seared 
as with a hot iron against the threatened judgments of God on such 

themselves in the image of the Most High God. Tins is slavery, as it is daily exhi- 
bited in every slave State." — African Jieposilon/, 1834. 

Must we be branded as "fanatics," because we abhor such a system of '■^robbrn/," 
pollution and cruelty, and advocate its abolition ? And does fidelity to Christ require 
us to hold religious fellowship with those who traduce the Holy Bible by pleading ita 
sanction for the vile system, and with those also who practice it ? 

* "Slavery," said Mr. Johnson, a member of the Virginia Convention for revising 
the Constitution, "has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which has 
been so much disseminated among our countrymen." 

Some of the most disgusting developments of the influence of slavery, in perverting 
and stupifying the moral sense, are found in the Church itself The writer of thia 
document, while passing through Virginia, in ISl'.), was informed, on reliable authori- 
ty, that the Presbyterian College of that State had invested its funds \n female slaves, 
as the most productive and eligible kind of investment. Thus a college, founded to 
subserve the interests of the Church, had gone deliberately into the business of breed- 
ing young negroes for the market, to supply the means of educating young men for 
the ministry and other professions! 

Churches, at the South, as such, have been wont to hold slaves and jol> them out to 
pay the pastor's salary. The Rev. I\Ir. Cable testifies that the Church to which he 
belongea, at the Union Theological Seminary, raised a thousand dollars a year, from 
this source, with which they paid the salary of their pastor. The Rev. Mr. Paxton, 
once a Virginia slaveholder, says, the Church in Virginia, of which he was pastor, 
paid his salary chietiy in the same way, having a fund of seventy slaves. 

In tile overtlowings of their piety and benevolence, slaveholders have sometimes 
donated slaves for missionnri/ purposes ! A Mrs. Ann Pray, of Georgia, in 1832, left 
a legacy to the American Board of certain slaves — which legacy was very properly 
declineil. It is but a short time since an advertisement appeared in a Southern paper, 
offering for sale 40 negroes, for the reason that their owner had devoted himself to \ 
MISSIONARY life! Think of a devoted missionary subjecting his forty slaves, of all 
ages and sexes, to the horrors of a slave sale, that he might pocket the avails and go 
on a mission to the heathen!!! "Unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou 
united!" 



[38] 



delinquents ? Is the whole head sick, and the whole heart faint ? 
When the Son of man cometh, shall he find faith on the earth ? faith 
to believe that "whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, shall 
cry also himself, and shall not be heard ? — and to understand that "he 
that turneth away his ear from hearing the law, even his prayer shall 
be an abomination ?" The voice of God's providence, as heard in the 
groans of millions of our crushed brethren, is crying in the ears of 
the American Church, Where is thy brother ? Dare the Church re- 
turn, in the language of her apathy and inaction, the heartless reply 
of Cain, I know not ; am I my brother's keeper ? 

There is another consideration which gives augmented force to the 
claims of the American slave. For the Priest and the Levite who 
passed by on the other side, it shall be more tolerable in the day of 
judgment, than for us, if we imitate their heartless example ; for ihe^ 
were not the men of violence and blood, that stripjped and mangled 
the bleeding stranger. Alas for the American Chtirch ! — this cannot 
be said of her. The sufferer she neglects, is the victim which her 
own sons have robbed and lacerated, and left bleeding at her feet ! 
Six hundred thousand living witnesses can testify to this fact ! — 
600,000 slaves held in bondage by American church members, in good 
and regular danding, without hindrance or rebuke ! Is this fact, dear 
brethren, a matter of no concern to us as Christians ? Is it not a mat- 
ter of the deepest concern ? It is a stain on the character of Ameri- 
can Christianity, and will furnish a black page in her future history 
which posterity will blush to read. In the purified Church of the fu- 
ture, with what profound amazement will they learn that the Church 
of the present age was deeply implicated in the most infamous traffic 
that ever disgraced humanity — tlie traffic in the souls of men ! — that 
both ministers and private members coidd so far depart from the Sa- 
viour's law of love, as to strip their fellow men, by hundreds of thou- 
sands — not sparing even their own brethren in the Lord — of all their 
rights, and all their earnings, and all security in domestic endear- 
ments ! 

America may truly be called the land of Christian barbarity ! — 
deeply mortifying as this confession is. The chattel system, with all 
the inseparable cruelties that belong to it — such as buying, selling, 
whipping, breaking up families, hunting down fugitives with rifles and 
blood-hounds, <fec. — receives the sanction and fellowship of the Ame- 
rican Church and her sacred ministry ! In this respect, our country 
sustains a singular and unenviable pre-eminence over all Christen- 
dom — a pre-eminence which has called forth the following scathing 
rebuke from a foreign writer : 

" Whatever may have been the unutterable wickedness of slavery 
in the West India Islands, there it never was baptized in the Redeem- 
er's hallowed name, and its corruptions were not concealed in the garb- 
of religion. That acme of piratical turpitude was reserved for the 
professed disciples of Jesus in America." 

Hear the confession of Southern men on this point. The Rev. Jas. 
Smylie, of Mississippi, writing in defense of slavery, says : 

" If slavery be a sin, and apprehending slaves with a view to re- 
store them to their masters, is a direct violation of the Divine law; and 
if the buying, selling, or holding a slave for the sake of gain, is a hein- 



[39] 

oiis sin and scandal, then, verily, three-fourths of all the Episcopalians, 
Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians, in eleven States of the Union 
[fourteen he would now have said], are of the Devil. They hold, if 
they do not buy and sell, slaves, and, with few exceptions, they hesi- 
tate not to apprehend and restore runaway slaves when in their power." 

The concurrent testimony of the Synod of Kentucky, we have in 
the following confession : 

" Cases have occurred in our own denomination, where professors 
of the religion of mercy have torn the mother from her children, and 
sent her into a merciless and returnless exile; yet acts of discipline 
have rarely followed such conduct." 

Brethren, do you love ihat blessed Savior who gave his life a ran- 
som for your souls ? and can you behold with inditlerence the object 
of your supreme alfection thus cruelly wounded in the house of his 
friends I — liis sacred name and cause exposed to the coniempt of the 
scoffing infidel, by the organized inhumanity of those wlio bear his 
name and advocate his cause \ It is not the lacerated body of an 
unknown stranger that appeals to your coui[)assion; it is the marred 
visage of your Beloved ! How can we refrain from grief, to see his 
spotless and lovely character so hideously misrepresented, by those 
who profess a near similitude to him ! 

The American Church, according to the judgment which she has 
herself pronounced, stands convicted of a crime, than which there is 
none greater known to her laws. The General Assembly of the Pres- 
byterian Church have left on their records the following unrepealed 
testimony, given in the year 1818 : 

" We consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human 
race by another, as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred 
rights of human nature ; as utterly inconsistent with the law of God, 
which requires us to love our neighbor as ounselves ; and as totally 
irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, 
which enjoins, that all things whatsoever ye would that men should 
do to you, do ye even so to them." Alluding to some of the abomi- 
nations of the system which they describe, the Assembly add : " Such 
are some of the consequences of slavery — consecjuences not imagi- 
nary, but which connect themselves with its very existence." 

The same Church has declared slaveholding to be man-dearuig. 
The editions of their "Confessitm of Faith," from 1794 to 1816, in 
their exposition of the Eighth Commandment, define man-stealing to 
" comprehend all who are concerned in bringing any of the human 
race into slavery, or in retaining them in it. Stealers of men are all 
those who bring off slaves or fri't-men, and keep, sell, or buy them. 
' To steal a freeman,' says Grotius, * is the highest kind of theft. In 
other instances, we steal only human properly; but when we steal or 
retain men in slavery, we seize those who, in common with ourselves, 
are constituted, by the original grant, lords of the earth.' " 

Such is Presbyterianism in theory. What is the practice of that 
church ? Let the 70,000 slaves, held by her members "in good and 
regular standing," answer ! 

The great found(!r of Methodism is no less explicit and decisive in 
his condemnation of the slaveholder. "This equally concerns," he 
says, "all slaveholders, of what.soever rank and degree ; seeing men- 



[ 40 ] 

buyers are exactly on a level with men-stealers ! Indeed, you say, I 
pay honestly for my goods ; and I am not concerned to know how they 
are come by. Nay, but you are, you are deeply concerned to know 
that they are honestly come by; otherwise, you are a partaker with a 
thief, and not a jot honester than he. But you do know that they are 
not honestly come by; you know they are procured by means nothing 
near so innocent as picking pockets, house-breaking, or robbing upon 
the highway." 

Dr. Adam Clark says, that "among Christians slavery is an enor- 
mity and a crime, for which perdition has scarcely an adequate state 
of punishment." The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, in 1780, say "that slavery is contrary to the laws of God, man, 
and nature, and hurtful to society; contbary to the dictates of con- 
science AND PURE religion ; and doing tohat ive would not that others 
shoidd do unto us." The same Church had originally in her Disci- 
pline a rule requiring every member to execute and record an instru- 
ment for the emancipation of his slaves within tlie space of two years ; 
and another rule declaring, that "those who bought or sold slaves, or 
gave them away, unless on purpose to free them, should be expelled 
immediately." 

Such is Methodist testimony against slavery; the utter incongruity 
of which, with her modern practice, we could prove by a cloud of more 
than 100,000 living, manacled witnesses. 

Standard commentators on the Bible concur with the writers quoted 
in considering slaveholding and man-stealing as identical. " How has 
the present slaveholder come into the possession of the children whom 
he now holds as slaves ? They were never willed to him, nor did he 
purchase them of another. How could he take possession of them, 
and part them from their parents, Avithout stealing them ?" More 
than QO,OQQ free-born Americans — if it is true " that all men are bom 
free and equal" — are thus annually stolen into slavery; and in this 
cruel work of stealing helpless infants, the American Church has had 
a hberal share. 

Now, brethren, is the concurrent decision of these competent judges 
•A just one? To those who are pledged to seek the purity of the 
Church, this is a grave, practical question. Let the man who doubts 
its correctness, put himself in the slave's condition. As he gathers 
his aff(^ciionate family around the domestic fireside, let him, in fancy, 
transform this happy circle into "goods and chattels," The bailiff 
■enters and lays his attachment upon the "goods," to satisfy the claims 
of their master's creditor. They are seized and manacled, and hur- 
ried off to the prisoner's cell, the established depository of such 
"goods." Tears — entreaties — shrieks — are all of no avail. If the 
stronger arms and hearts of father and brothers attempt to protect 
from savage rudeness the weak and delicate, a stunning blow from the 
officer of the law lays them quiet and quivering at his feet. How 
changed the condition of this family ! — incarcerated with culprits — 
shut up in separate cells — loaded with chains, and all for no crime \ 
But this is only the beginning of their sorrows. The auction day ar- 
rives. The goods are arranged upon the auction stand, handled and 
inspected with unfeeling rudeness. This family are now met for the 
last time ! As the bidding progresses, the successive strokes of the 



[41 ] 

auctioneer's hammer sunders every domestic tie that had grouped, 
them into one family. The rice swamp, ilie cotton ticld, the sugar 
plantation, are the separate and distant destinations of the husband, 

wife, and sons. And the fair and aeoomplislied daughters ? 

The story of their sufferings is not to be told ! 

Such experience would soon clear away the clouds from the moral 
vision of the subject, and leave him no longer in doubt about the crimi- 
yiality of holding hiniian heivgs in the condition of goods and chattels. 
To ask him whether such a thing was right, would be an insult to his 
common sense ! The English language could not furnish him ade- 
quate terms to express his views of the unutterable atrocity, the " pi- 
ratical turpitude" of the practice. To call it man-stealing, the most 
aggravated kind of theft, would sound tame and insipid to his tortured 
sensibilities. Let him once stand under the crushing system, and he 
would get an iindcrstandinfj of its true character, which no amount of 
casuistical sophistry could mystify. 

And if such is the true character of American slavery, WHERE, ia 
the sight of God, stands the American Church, with her six hundred 
THOUSAND bleeding victims of oppression at her feet? On these 
600,000 victims she is perpetrating a wrong and a crime of the most 
heinous character — a crime to which the Divine law affixes the death 
penalty, and which our lenient free-state laws punish with nothing less 
than the Penitentiary ! 

Are we shocked at this conclusion? — a conclusion which brands the 
refined, intelligent, aye, and pious slaveholder, with the crime of man- 
stealing? We cannot help it. Is it a legitimate conclusion? is the 
question on which its adoption must turn ; not whether it is shocking. 
We have impanneled an impartial jury in the case, whose unanimous 
verdict is GUILTY ! Logic is sometimes as inexorable as slave law 
itself. As, in a court of justice, neither the strong humane sympa- 
thies of the jury, nor the elevated standing and character of the pri- 
soner at the bar, can shield him from conviction, when the proof of 
his guilt is irresistible ; so neither can the high standing or high repu- 
tation of the slaveholder turn away the force of truth from his crime ; 
it cannot make wrong right, or evil good. 

Our conclusion implicates the whole American Church, so Hir as 
she gives the sanction of her fellowship to the slaveholder. By bap- 
tizing the sin, and admitting it to her communion, she indarses it, and 
thus makes herself responsible for all its enormities. She makes, also, 
in this way, the most efiectual provision for riveting the chains of the 
slave, for aggravating and perpetuating his sufferings. She thus be- 
comes — unwittingly we charitably believe — his crudest oppres.sor. 
Who does not know that a religious sanction gives strength and secu- 
rity to an evil which it can derive from no other source? While the 
Church harbors and protects the sin of slavery within her own bo- 
som, her verbal testimony against it is of no force. She may condemn 
it in the strongest language — as the Presbyterian Church has repeat- 
edly done — pronoimcing it " intrinsically unrighteous andoppi'essive," 
opposed to every prineij)le of God's law and human interest. It is no 
more heeded than the idle wind. Actions speak louder than words. 
Their testimony, in this case, contradicts all your severe denuncia- 
tions, and declares to all who witness them, that this unrighteous. 



[42] 

oppressive, and heaven-defying sin, is yet esteemed worthy to sit with 
you in heavenly places in Christ Jesus ! Nor will this fruitless testi- 
mony of words without works, be of any avail to screen the Church 
from her responsibility to G-od in this matter. It will be worse than 
vain for such a purpose ; it will rise up in the judgment against her. 
Out of her own mouth the Judge will condemn her. She has herself 
adjudged slavery to be "utterly inconsistent with the law of God," 
"intrinsically unrighteous and oppressive." In the name of God, 
then, we ask, what right she has to give it the sanction of her fellow- 
ship ? Will she presume to repeal the law of God ? — to institute a 
code of her own for the government of his house, that contravenes 
that law ? Will slie presume, in her administration of Church govern- 
ment, to decide that a practice, which has all the attributes of repug- 
nance to God's law that she ascribes to .slavery, is yet 7io offence 
against the laws of Christ's Church ? 

It has been gravely argued, that Christ and his apostles had no 
law for the government of the primitive Church, which excluded slave- 
holders. Indeed ? What 7cas Christ's law, then, we ask, for the 
government of this Church ? Had he another law for this purpose, 
than the one Avhich he promulgated from Mount Sinai ? — a law which 
annulled the law of the Ten Commandments ? Is not the eternal and 
immutable law of God the law of his Church ? Does the gospel dis- 
pensation make void the law ? 

To say that "slavery is opposed to the law of God," and yet not 
opposed to the law of Christ's Church, is a glaring contradiction. A 
Church that is governed by another law than the law of God, must be 
another Church than the Church of God. And if Christ's Church is 
a Church governed by Christ's laws — if this is its distinctive charac- 
teristic — to whom, then, wt ask, does that Church belong, that has no 
law to exclude froin it a practice which is confessedly opposed to the 
Jaw of God 1 A Church that legislates the law of God out of it, by 
the same act legislates itself into a Church of Antichrist. This was 
the process, as Protestant's believe, by which the Church of Rome 
went over to Antichrist. The present tendencies of the American 
Protestant Church are unhappily in the same direction. Papal ty- 
ranny found it convenient for its purposes to govern the Church by 
its own laws, rather than by the moral law of God. Slaveholding 
tyranny finds it convenient to do the same thing in the American 
Protestant Church ; it claims and secures impunity for a practice 
which the Church herself acknowledges to be "opposed to the law of 
God." Christ's law of righteousness, so far as it relates to itself, 
Slavery has repealed — expunged it from the canons of the Church. 
This seems to be an undeniable fact, and a painful one. The conclusion 
it forces upon us is no less painfid, — which is, that a Church, pro- 
tecting slavery within its own bosom, has one of the distinctive marks of 
Antichrist upon it ; as far as that sin is concerned, it is an apostate 
Church. Just so far as slavery governs a Church, Christ's authority 
is discarded. It is an enemy that will expel Christ from the Church 
that harbors it ; for what concord hath Christ with Belial ? and what 
communion hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? Our American 
Israel, ruled by this power, is approaching a crisis of fearful moment. 
This parent of all vices — "the sum of all villainies," according to 



43 ] 

Wesley — which she has admitted within her sacred pale, will open 
upon her the flood-gates of every vice, to her utter ruin, unless speed- 
ily expelled. The wall of her defence — her discipline — is already be- 
ing broken down. While she receives into her bosom, and sanctions 
with her fellowship, and protects with the strong arm of ecclesiastical 
law, one of the vilest atrocities that ever cursed the earth — that which, 
in the language of the venerable Judge Jay, of New York, "Is of all 
forms of oppression the most develish ;" what moral force can there be 
in any of her "cemurcs ?" While this grand otience remains untouched, 
her censure of minor offences will only provoke from men the sneer 
of contempt. "Ye strain at a gnat and swallow a camel." 

In the name of Christ, we would affectionately warn our brethren 
a^inst the ruin that is coming on the Church. Slave-protecting law, 
like the hiw of papal indulgencies, will be found proliiic of the vilest 
abominations. Such a law we are bt)uiid to discard. It is a duty we 
owe to Christ, to the purity of his Church, and to the interests of 
bleeding humanity. The ecclesiastical authority that would impose 
on us such a law must be discarded. "Whether it be right in the 
sight of God to obey you more than God, judge ye" — is the prompt 
reply of true fidelity to such unrighteous demands. It was this prin- 
ciple that produced secession from the Roman Church ; and the same 
fidelity to God will require secession from the American Church, un- 
less her canon which requires the recognition of slaveholders as worthy 
commtmicants, can he speedily repealed. 

This is the alternative which the providence of God is now placing 
before us. The question is a solemn one, involving interests and re- 
sponsibiUties of grave moment. We ask for no rash decision. We 
would have the question decided with our hearts and judgments envi- 
roned with all the heavenly influences that can be gathered around 
them ; — with the fear of God and the judgment of the great day before 
our eyes — with the love of God ruling in our hearts — with the light of 
his word irradiating our minds — with the aid of that wisdom from 
above which is promised to them that ask it — and especially with that 
simplicity of purpose which seeks for its guidance what the Louu would 
have us do, rather than the behests of men. Our own minds, dear 
brethren, are drawn to the alternative before us, with a force which 
we cannot resist. The American Church — we mean her great na- 
tional organizations — must be reformed from her slave-holding op- 
pression, or she must be abandoned. The apostolic rule, in such a case, 
is both plain and peremptory : "Now we command you, brethren, in 
the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that ye withdraw yourselves from 
every brother that walketh disorderly." Our individual obligation to 
obey this command, is one which no power on earth is able to annul. 
No Church organizations can relieve us from it. If a majority of the 
Church to which we belong cast it oft", their example is to be shunned. 
We must not follow a multitude to do evil. Moral duties are not 
enacted or repealed by majority votes. If majorities will not withdraw 
fellowship from scandalous sins, minorities 7nust. This is no new prin- 
ciple in ecclesiastics. Orthodox Churches indorsed and adopted it, 
long ago. Who is ignorant of the numerous minority secessions, 
which occurred in a certain section of our country, many years since, 
because the majorities adhered to what they deemed a corrupt faith ? 



[44 ] 

Aud who now condemns the secession, except those whose hearts fra" 
ternize with the corruption. Did secession divide and weaken the 
Churches ? This argument was of no weight when the vital principles 
of religion were at stake. Vital principles are no less at stake when 
ihe law of God is trampled under foot, than when the faith of the gos- 
pel is corrupted. We can conceive of no heresy more corrupting to 
the faith or the morals of the Church than the dave-defending heresy. 
This old leaven must be purged out of the Church. If her organiza- 
tions WILL cling to it, the true Church must clear her own skirts from 
the pollution ; for "a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump." If 
both cannot be saved, then save the Church and let go the organiza- 
tion. To preserve the integrity of the latter by sacrificing the vital 
jmnciples of the former, is preserving it at a ruinous expense. ^ 

The Church must wash her hands from the sin of oppression. It 
is not merely the 600,000 bleeding victims at her feet, oa whom she 
has planted her oivn heel, that urge this duty upon her. The three 
MILLIONS of American slaves, with all the wrongs and woes which the 
vile system inflicts on them and their offspring, and the sea of de- 
pravity and pollution with which it is flooding the land — come up also 
with their appeal, and lay the guilt of all this fathomless system of 
abominations at the door of the American Church. This Church, the 
professed pillar and ground of the truth, is the bulwark of American 
Slavery. A Avriter of no less grave authority than the Rev. Albert 
Barnes, lays down this truth with emphatic distinctness. Without the 
support which the practical sanction of the Church is now giving it, ihe 
system could not stand. What a tremendous responsibility does this 
fact devolve upon the Church ? Who is willing to share in it ? Who 
is prepared to stand up in her ranks, before the judgment seat of 
Christ, and meet the fearful revelation of this truth which the clear 
hght of that day will make ? 

There is yet another interest that pleads for the purification of the 
Church. The Bible and its saving doctrines and spiritual duties, are 
in jeopardy. They are found in bad company — in close alliance with 
men-stealers and cruel oppressors. A slaveholding Church is the 
bulwark of Infidelity, no less than of slavery. To plead the authority 
of the Bible, in vindication of so vile a practice as American slavery, 
is the most effectual way to teach men to despise and reject the Bible. 
"I wish it to be distinctly understood by my constituents and the 
country," said a member on the floor of Congress, in reply to a bib- 
lical vindication of shivery — "if it [American Slavery] is proved to 
be a divine institution, sanctioned by the word of God, then I am an 
INFIDEL ; but gentlemen must pardon me, if I do not adopt their con- 
struction of the Bible on this point." The humanity and moral sense 
which God has planted in the soul of man, cry out against American 
slavery and its abettors. The religion which finds a sanction in the 
Bible, for this monster sin, is a more fatal enemy to that holy book, 
than a Tom Paine or a Voltaire. Infidelity has no further occasion 
for the services of such men. The American priest and Pharisee are 
doing their work far more effectually. Said an infidel, at a conven- 
tion of free-thinkers in New York — "I have done with the old argu- 
ments against Christianity, and have adopted a more efficient plan. 
Now I work altogether through the moral reformatioas of the day, 



[ 45 ] 

and through them attack religion, and find I can accomplish more than, 
by any other means." The arraying of religion, in opposition ta 
these reformations, is that which gives him this advantage. A reli- 
gion that sanctions slavery forfeits the support of Conscience and Hu- 
manity — its most powerful human allies — and throws away one of the 
strongest arguments that was ever wielded in its defence — we mean, 
its purifying intluencci on society. 

Brethren, do we love the sacred volume ? Do wc love its pure 
doctrines of grace, .and long to see them exerting far and wide their 
regenerating power, unobstructed by malign iutiuenccs ? Are times 
of refreshing from the presence of the Lord — the outpourings of his 
Spirit — delightful to our souls ? And can we, without deep concern, 
behold all these religious interests exposed to the scorn of Infidelity, 
and the distrust of sober, thinking men, because they are found in 
corrupt alliance with one of tlie vilest forms of sin that ever defaced 
society ? Such an alliance, like that of Jehoshaphat with Ahab, for- 
bodes nothing but evil to pure religion. It paralyzes its power, and 
thus destroys millions of souls that would otherAvise have experienced 
its saving influence. The American Church, allied with slavery, is 
in just such a position as her worst enemy would desire to see her. 
This alliance she nmsi caet off, or her glory and Iter moral power are 
forever gone ! She must separate herself from slavery, or the inic 
dhurch of God will separate itself from her. 



CORRESPONDENCE 



Letter from the Committee appointed by the Central Congregational Asso- 
ciation of Illinois to address the convention on the object of its meeting. 

To the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention to meet at Cincinnati, on the llth of 
April, 1850 : 

Dear Brkthren : The Central Congregational Association of Illinois, at their 
late meeting, February 14th, having under consideration the circular of your 
preliminary Committee, appointed Rev. Mr. N. Miles their delegate to your 
Convention, and also the undersigned a Committee to address to you a letter 
on the grave and momentous topic which has called you together, viz : "free- 
ing ike American Israel from the sin of Slaoeholding ." 

Our thoughts respect the following points : — The nature of your present move- 
ment. Its necessity. Its practicability. And whether, if sustained and carried 
out, it will destroy American Slavery. 

I. A union of Evangelical Christians to strip Slavery of its evangelical 
character, is a movement hitherto untried. The Boston Society of 1832, and 
the National convention at Philadelphia of Dec. 4th, 18.33, were, in part, com- 
posed of men who did not celebrate Christ's death, or hope for salvation 
through his blood. Tliey proposed " orqanizinq Anti-Slavery Societies in 
every city, town, and village throughout the land," and " The purification of 
the churches" from the " guilt of Slavery." That is : — they propose to impau- 
nel the inhabitants of the country, professing and non-professing, as a jury, to 
try and purify the church. 

This movement, the best, perliaps, then possible, alarmed the timid, offended 
the worldly professors, and produced some irritation in all. You are chris- 
tians appealing to christians to remove slaveholding from christian fellow.ship. 
You meet, not to found a new sect, but to purify existing ones — to operate 
upon each through its own members, — to befriend all by delivering them from 
the greatest obstruction to their prosperity, and their enjoyment of God's ap- 
probation. 

Such a movement, wisely and prayerfully conducted, must secure God's ^- 
vor, and the respect of Mankind. 



II. But is it not necessary ? Will not movements now in operation purify 
„ie churches and country from the crime of Slaveliolding '? We answer un- 
hesitatingly, no. On the contrary, no rational hope of deliverence from slav- 



ery exists from means now in use, if we employ no other. 

The means now bearing directly against American Slavery, are : Anti-Slav- 
ery Societies — Political and Religious action — and the spirit of the age. 

The Anti-Slavery Societies, of which nearly one thousand were reported 
and registered in 1837, were in their nature a temporary expedient, and they 
have accomplished their work. 

Nor can we rationally hope that political opposition to slavery will ever 
destroy it. The politics of the country are party politics. And a moral prin- 
ciple in the keeping of a political party will always be set aside in favor of 
the existence and integrity of the party itself. The party must be kept up 
whatever becomes of its principles and objects. Thus a party principle in 
union with a moral one, is a partnership in which the latter will always be the 
loser. 



[47] 

Besides, the doctrines on which tlic Anti-slavery political action of the pres- 
ent day is based are defective, and will never oust slavery. To abolish slavery 
in the territories and in the National District, may be well. To free our Gen- 
oral Government " from all ri'spt)iisil)ility for slavery," may be well : but all 
this at the expense of an establislicd understanding that we are forever to re- 
frain from moral and religious eSbrts to abolish Slavery within the State«, 
would be a calamitous error. 

Liberty is not a local question. And to limit and localize the moral issue 
between slavery and justice, is to surrender all reasons for abolishing slavery 
anywhere. 

The politician who promises total abstinence from opposition to slavery on 
one side of the State Line, cannot oppose it on moral grounds on the other; 
for there are no local questions in morals. He surrenders also the strength of 
his political argument against slavery; for whatever may be said, the shivery 
which curses this nation is in the slave states. And if abolition should stop with 
slavery in the District of Columbia and the territories, it would but take away 
the collar and wrist-bands of the American Shirt of Nessus which covers, and 
poisons the whole body politic. 

While therefore we rejoice in the application of political truth to slavery, 
and honor the self-denying men who faithfully apply it ; we must rely on 
something firmer and deeper to eradicate the curse from American soil. Such 
wo hope your convention movement will prove. 

It is painful to believe that our Church organizations, and Benevolent Soci- 
eties, with higher pretensions to morality and humanity, seem thus far (seces- 
sion bodies excepted,) in the struggle, to have placed the integrity of the or- 
ganization above the claims of morality and justice. Like the political parties, 
they have endeavored to oppose slavery only so far as they could do so with 
safety to the sect ; so that m both, tlioso who would place justice above expe- 
diency — truth and right above the organizations professedly established to pro- 
mote them, have been compelled to secede. The secessions have done and 
will yet do much. But the influence of a secession is, for the most part, reac- 
tive and specific, affecting chiefly the parent body. Thus the Weslyans but 
slightly influence the Baptists ; and the Free Presbyterians are scarcely felt 
by Episcopalians. What we want is a national religious movement against 
SLAVERY — not a movement which will content itself with prayer, but a move- 
ment which will make clean work — whose supporters withhold all support 
and countenance from the men, and boards, and churches, which shall continue 
to countenance and support slave-holding, after all rational means of reform- 
ing them have been exhausted. 

True, it is a most difficult practical point to settle, how long christian pa- 
tience and forbearance require us to labor to reclaim a brother, or mission- 
board, or church organization, which upholds slave-holding as among alloAved 
practices before casting them off. God has left that question for each individ- 
ual to settle for himself according to his personal knowledge, relations, and 
means of action. But it may safely be assumed that those who understand 
the subject, and who believe slavcholding to be sinful, are agreed that incor- 
rigible adherence to, or support of the practice, ought to forfeit christian char- 
acter; and what we want is a christian movement to apply this principle to 
Churches and Boards — to parties and individuals — in every branch of human 
action and effort, in this country, political as well as religious, where such 
application is needed. This, with God's blessing, will remove slavery, and 
nothing short of this will do it. 

The missionary piety of a country is its popular piety. Bible, Tract, Sun- 
day School, and other subordinate operations, walk in the light of the mission- 
ary enterprise, and are merely an expansion and part of it. We have not the 
statistics at hand b\j,t a table showing the sum annually collected and disbursed 
in this country for religious and benevolent uses, under circumstances which 
imply the admission of slave-holding to the Communion table, is alone suffi- 
cient to keep up the evangelical character of slavery. For every subscriber 
who pays, and every agent who collects, and every person who receives a shil- 
ling of the conscience-fund of the Ignited States, which is raised by that reli- 
gion which allows slavery to its communion-table, either consciously, or un- 
consciously, utters a silent confession of his faith that slave-holding is privi- 
leged in the church of God. 
If the number of professing christians in the country be put at three millions, 



[ 48 ] 

and the money raii5ed for religioiis uses by contribution, at one million and a 
half of dollars , a sum is annually contributed to the support of slave-holding, 
or a slavery-tolerating gospel equal to fifty cents per head of the membership 
of all sects and denominations' put together ! Now while this grand scheme 
of action continues in full operation. Anti-slavery conventions, prayers, and 
pious yearnings for the downfall of slavery, are all at a sad discount. They 
are but the assiduity of the groom who curried and petted the horse while he 
stole his provender and starved him to death ! For action is what sustains 
religion and what will finally judge it. It may seem invidious to specify par- 
ticular bodies where a multitude are alike involved. The American Bo.\rd of 
Commissioners for Foreign Mission, and the Home Missionary Society certainly 
contrast favorably with the corresponding agencies in their sister sects. Their 
records show at least enough hostility to slave-holding mingling with their 
counsels to keep the subject in agitation from year to year ; yet there is to this 
day no vote, or rule, or visage of either Board, to keep slaveholders who are 
unobjectionable in other respects, out of any of their churches at home or 
abroad, or even to prevent slaves being hired of their masters to labor at the 
Mission schools where pagan youth are congregated to form, under christian 
education, their ideas of gospel principles and practice. 

The Home Society has, moreover, instead of diminishing, increflsed its slave- 
holding dependencies during the present year of Anti-slavery agitation. Since 
1842, that is, in the seven years preceding the last report : The American 
Home Missionary Society lacks but five of liaving trebled the slave-holding 
churches under its patronage, while it has added but little more than oHf-fifth 
to its whole Missionary force ! Such facts certainly show a necessity for a 
" Christian Anti-slavery Convention," and a rational movement to divorce 
American Christianity from American Slavery. We want a Board of meek, 
wise, judicious, determined christian men, who will embark in this business 
as the Clarkson, Wilberforce, and Macauly Committee did for the legal sup- 
pression of the slave trade ; and who will see the thing accomplished or die in 
toiling for it. 

As to the Religious Sects, it is estimated that the Baptist slaves are the most 
numerous : that Methodists contribute most to the support of slavery by or- 
ganization and numbers : and that Presbyterians have furnished for it the 
most casuistry and perversion of God's word. Since the general Missionary 
Convention of the Baptists was rent by the slavery question, they have scarcely 
been known in the Anti-slavery struggle. Since the Methodist "Church South" 
seceded from the North upon the action of the General Conference in the Bishop 
Andrew case, both churches, North and South, have been struggling for the 
southern membership, and the organs of that church have steadily declined 
from the feeble pulsations which the Church "Advocates" exhibited against 
slavery prior to the secession of the " Weslyans." 

Congregationalists can not easily establish churches of their order in a state 
where the people are slave owners and .slaves. The rcdigion which should 
propose to give a slave a vote in disciplining his master and expelling him 
from the church in case of malconduct, would find little favor in a community 
of slaveholders and slaves. And if Congregationalists regard their churches 
as scriptural, constructed after the New Testament churches ; the fact that 
slavery cannot bear the discipline of a Congregational church ought to have 
taught thcin that it is equally impossible that it should have existed in the 
churches founded by Christ's apostles. This denomination is therefore vir- 
tually excluded from the slave districts. 

Having no slaveholding membership, it were to have been anticipated that 
the State Associations of New England would long ere this have planted them- 
selves upon the obvious and clear ground, that it is contrary to Christ's ar- 
rangements for church members to own each other as property. But from 
causes which operate steadily in every Christian country to emasculate the 
religious press; — from a pious unwillingness to disturb their mission-boards, 
with which the present generation of New England Christians have been 
taught from their cradle to share their earnings — (which boards sustain slave- 
holding churches) — as well as from the commercial and social influence of 
slavery itself upon their metropolitan churches and presses, their colleges, 
seminaries, and leading men; — the New England Congregationalists this day 
need the influence of a "National ANXi-SLAVEEy Committkk for CauaoH Rk- 



L49] 

FORM," ,ilmo«t as rawch a-; their sister sects. But the work will be far shorter 
there; for every sincere Christian in New Eni>laiid is an abolitionist at heart. 
And if the subject can be presented to him in an unobjoctionabh; form, he will 
act for a divorce of American Uhristianity from American Slavery. 

Tlie Presbyterian ilenomination oritfinated amid civil convulsions and war — 
an appeal to tlie Scriptures in favor of human rights ai^ainst ecclesiastical and 
civil despotism. It is, tliereforc, pre-eminently a reli;.^ion of principle. From 
this circumstance, and from its central position and lartjje slaveholdin<^ mem- 
bership — extending as it does both N'ortli and South — this denomination has 
tlone and said more about slavery than all otliers put together. And against 
till' scntiiiiiiits of tlie mass of its northern membt-rshij), the policy of its as- 
seriililii- \\:i< been painfully uniform. That policy is shortly told. 'J'lmj have 
vondciiinid sliiiyrry in theory and supported it in practice. 

In 1815, the General Assemt)ly (then united) declared their " api)robation of 
the principles of civil liberty," and their deep "concern at any vestiges of 
slavery which may exist in our country."' This is theory. In practice, they 
urge the lower judicatures to prcjiare tlie young slaves for " the enjoyment and 
exercise of liberty tchen God in his providence shall open a door for emancipa- 
tion." That generation are since emancipated or dead. This recommenda- 
tion is an explicit implied permission to their slaveholding members to dismiss 
all thoughts of emancipation at present, waiting for some colonization open- 
ing, or some undefined providence of God. 

In 1818, the Assembly, in words which have been quoted until they are 
familiar, say they "consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the hu- 
man race by another, a gross violation of the most precious right of human 
nature, utterly inconsistent with the laws of God," etc. etc. 

But this whole declaration was followed by a colonizotion clause which 
made it wlioUy inoperative on the consciences, and even the fears of their 
slaveholding membership. By a fair construction of the whole testimony of 
18ls, tlie slaveholders consiileretl themselves as not guilty oi " volnniary" 
.slaveholding, while they were willing to aid in a scheme of colonization. Thus 
practice neutralized theorv. 

In 1836, the Assembly, "then about to divide, met at Pitt-sburg. Alarmed 
(as they never were by the Assembly's action) by tlie formatitm of nearly one 
tJiousand Anti-Slavery Societies in" the preceding four years, commissioners 
from twenty -seven slaveholding Presbyteries, and of both the scliools in con- 
troversy, disregarding all questions of doctrines or measures wliicli divided 
them, met in open caucus, organized, and " Rksolvpid, That if the Assembly 
shall undertake to exercise authority on the subject of slavery so as to make it 
an immorality, or shall in any umy doclare that Christians are criminal in hold- 
ing slaves, a declaration shall be presented by the southern declaration de- 
clining their jurisdiction, and our determination not to submit to their de- 
cision." 

From that day to this, iitither Assembly, Old or Xew, has ever di.sobeyed 
the command of that caucus of slaveholding members, " in any imy declaring 
Christians criminal in holdinc/ slaves." Hence tjieir menace has never been exe- 
cuted." * 

At this A.ssembly (1836) the Old School party was put in a permanent ma- 
jority by the following means. An article from the Princeton Repertory was 
issued on the spot, from the Pittsburg press — intended, as the title page bears, 
" For gratuitous circulation'" among the members of the Assembly. Tliis 
pamphlet, said to be from Prof. Hodge, and to express tlie Old School doctrine 
of slavery, teaches, that slavery was not regarded by Christ and his Apostles 
as a "moral question:" that the subject is hardly alluded to by Christ in his 
"personal in.structions;" and that reviewers say — "we think no one will deny 
that the plan adopted by the Saviour and his immediate followers, must be the 
correct plan." 

In accordance with the above teaching of the Princeton fathers, and on a 
report and resolution offered by Dr. Miller, the father of those fathers, the As- 
sembly "Resolved, That it is inexpedient to take any farther action in relation 
to the subject." From that day the Old School were in a permanent majority. 
The slaveholders established thai platform. 

Next year, 1837, by the famous "excluding acts," four Synods, including a 
Presbyterian populaiion of some sixty thousand persons — and what was more 
4 



[50] 

significant, containing perhapa nine-tenths of all the active opponents of 
slavery in the Church — were cut off by the repeal, by a majority vote, of a 
"plan of union" adopted thirty-six years before, in a former generation — cast- 
ing out all who had come in upon that plan. 

This year, 1837, Dr. G. A. Baxter, President of the Union Theological Semi- 
nary, Prince Edwards county, Va., suddenly changed sides from New to Old 
School; and in a printed address thus justifies the change to his New School 
constituency. He says : " One motive with me for going into the Convention 
(O. S., which met before the Assembly) was to feel the pulse of our northern 
(friends on that subject (Abolition); and on this point I was gratified beyond 
my most sanguine expectations. There were one hundred and twenty-four 
members, of whom one hundred were members also of the Assembly, and 
among them but two abolitionists!" 

Next year, 183f , the two Schools parted, leaving three slaveholding Presby- 
teries represented in the New, and between thirty and forty in the Old. Since 
that time, the Old School (which, in the judgment of many, is soon again to be 
The Presbyterian Church) has abode firmly by the Princeton ground. In 
1842, they refusecl to take the anti-slavery petitions from the table at the re- 
quest of Mr. FuUerton. In 1843, they laid them on the table "without read- 
ing." In 1845, at Cincinnati, they hurried over the subject in less than one 
hour; adopting a report, that they could not treat slavery as necessarily sin 
" witliout charging the Apostles of Christ with conniving at such sin." 

The New School body, in 1840, pressed with anti-slavery petitions, avoided 
action by " solemnly referring the whole subject to the loAver judicatories to 
take such action as in their judgment is most judicious and adapted to remove 
the evil;" refusing the request of Rev. Geo. lieecher to insert the word moral 
before the word evil; that is, refused to call slavery a "moral eml." In 1843, 
the ne^t triennial Assembly, they censured the action of those Anti-slavery 
Presbyteries which had excluded slaveholding from their pulpits and com- 
munion tables, and requested them to rescind their acts ; thus condemning them 
for obeying their own advice or excluding slaveholding from fellowsliip ! And 
at the last meeting of the same Assembly (N. S.) they declared — 

" That there has been no information before this Assembly to prove that 
members of our Church in the slave States are not doing all they can (situated 
as they are in the Providence of God) to bring about the possession and enjoy- 
ment of liberty by the enslaved ! ! !" 

And that, too, while twenty-seven of the southern Presbyteries, in 1836, 
without intimating any wish or design but that of perpetual slavery, had for- 
bidden the united Assembly to " in any way declare Christians criminal for 
holding .slaves." 

And the pamphlet i)ut forth by a committee of the Synod of Kentucky in 
1835, had informed them that " Cases have occurred in our own Church where 
professors of the religion of mercy have torn the mother from her children and 
sent her into a merciless and returnless exile. Yet acts of discipline have rarely 
followed such conduct." Yet the Assembly of 1849 did not know but their 
slaveholding members were doing all in their power in favor of emancipation ! ! 
Surely, this Church needs the friendly labors of A National Anti-Slaveey 

OOMMITTEK FOR ChURCH ReKORM. 

III. And there are enough anti-slavery members in every sect and denomi- 
nation to carry the truth elaborated by such a committee to its heart, by prayer 
and toil, by petition and remonstrance. Only let the efibrt be made on a scale 
commensurate with the vastness of the object. Let scholars be invoked to toll 
us whether those Scriptures to whicli custom has assigned the livery of despo- 
tism, have or have not been perverted from their true meaning; and let the 
results of their studies, in some cheap, popular form, be circulated through the 
land, that the " American Israel may wash in the pool which God is agitating 
for her cleansing." Let the nine hundred and fifty-four Home Missionaries of 
the American Home Missionary Society now laboring in the free States, be 
corresponded with, to see if at least nine hundred of them will not pray that 
Society to withhold aid from slaveliolding churches, and plant other churches 
in the South which will not become nursing-mothers of despotism. And, if 
need be, let agents be employed, and a press established, which shall wait con- 
tinually on this verv thing. Let these and like collateral means be prayer- 
fully employed, and we need not linger a moment to show that slavery, strip 
ped of its Gospel robes, must speedily die. 



[ 51 ] 



Praying fervently for the blessing and guidance of God to attend your la- 
bors, we remain, in behalf of Central Association, Illinois, 
Your Brethren in Christ. 

J. BLANGHARD, 
Z. R. HAWLEY, 



A ? MARTIN ' Committee of A.^soniation. 

A. NEELY, 
LUCIUS GARY, J 



The following communications, in ans\rer to letters of invitation sent out 
by the Committee appointed for that purpose, present the manner in which 
the object of the Convention is viewed by consistent Anti-Slavery men 
throughout the country: 

Dekrkield, Me., February 20, 1350. 

Gentlemen: A circular calling for a Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, 
to be holden at Cincinnati in April next, for the purpose of taking into con- 
sideration the important subject of slaveholdim;; as connected wih the Amer- 
ican Church, and inviting Christians of all denominations to assemble at 
said Convention, has been duly considered by the members of tlie Maine 
Wesleyan Methodist Annual Conference; and the undersigned would hereby 
inform you, in behalf of said Conference, that it meets with their heorty and 
unanimous approval. We cannot but feel confident, that the sentiments 
contained in said circular and the objects of said Convention must meet 
those of Christians of all denominations, who are real friends to tlie slave 
and the cause of humanity. ELNATHAN POPE, 

.losKiMi B. JoNKs, Secretary. President of naid Conference. 

From the Comrrcgationnl C/iurr'i, East Berkshire, Vt. 

East Herkshtke, Vt., March 14, 1850. 

Gentlemen: As none of my Church will be able to attend the Convention 
in Cincinnati, we send you the following as our testimony against Slavery: 

At a regular meeting of the Congregational Church of East Berkshire, Vt., 
Feb. 3, 1846, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted: 

Inasmncli as American Slavery is established in defiance of the laws of 
God and the dearest rights of man — as it obliges men to labor without 
reward — as it denies the sacred right of matrimony — as it promotes theft, 
robbery, licentiousness and murder, and almost every other crime — Therefore, 

Resolved, That we believe it to be one of the most heinous and inexcus- 
able of all sius. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of Ministers to instruct the Cliurches, and 
the duty of Christians to warn the world against this destructive vice. 

Resolved, That professors of religion wlio persist in this sin, after suitable 
instructions and warning, ought to be excluded from tlie fellowship of the 
Church. 

Resolved, That we deem it uuscriptural and unsafe to promote to office 
those who tolerate this sin. P. BAILEY, Pastor. 

We send you this former action of the Church, to show that these resolu- 
tions are not the impulse of the moment, but the settled opinions of the 
Church, and the ground that we intend to oceupv. Voted unanimously, 
March V2. 1850. P. B., Pastor. 



From Charles Oshorn, of the Society of Friends. 

Porter Coi'ntv, la., 3d mo., 20th, 1850. 
Dear Friends: I approve the plan proposed in your circular for a Christian 
Anti-Slavery Convention, and hope it may be productive of good. If the 
('hurches can be freed from the sin of slaveholding, the wicked system of 
Slavery would soon come to an end. That Church which tolerates Slavery 
ought not to be called a Christian Church, and those Church members that, 
continue to purchase slave products, and vote for pro-slavery candidates, 
are just such abolitionists as the slaveholders want them to be. It is high 
time for all who name the name of Christ to withdraw from the grand con- 
federacy of man-stealers. 



[ 52 



The present is a time of commotion; the enemies of righteousness are 
making a terrible rattle, and tormenting each other. Liberty and Slaverj 
are combatants now engaged in severe conflict, — these can never harmonize 
either in Church or State, therefore one or the other must prevail. As long 
as Slavery triumphs over Liberty, wo to our country; trouble and great per- 
plexity will be the portion of the inhabitants. 

It must be confessed, that the Churches are supremely guilty of the sin of 
slaveholding; and as "judgment must begin at the house of God," it is 
therefore the indispensable duty of every one that nameth the name of 
Christ, to depart from the great iniquity of man-stealing, — make it a matter 
of conscience to not (knowingly) give it any support. In this way, the 
Churches may be freed from, the sin of slaveholding, and become what the 
Great Head of the Christian Church designed she should be, " The Light of 
the world — His instrumentality for the conversion of the world." 

Your friend, CHARLES OSBORN. 



From Judge Jay, of New York. 

iNew York, 28th March, 1850. 
Gentlemen: I have just received the " call for a Christian Anti-Slavery 
Convention," together with your accompanying letter of the 14th inst. I 
rejoice in the call, and hope much good may result from it; but that it may- 
lead to good, great prudence will be requisite in directing the proceedings 
of the Convention. The fourth item in the call intimating the responsibility 
of each individual Christian for the sin of the organization of which he vol- 
untarily forms a part, is, I think, the rock on which you are in danger of 
splitting. There is and can be no pure Church composed of fallible, sinful 
beings. If we belong to any Church, we must belong to an imperfect one, 
embracing in its ministers and members more or less sin. Our union with 
the Church I do not regard as voluntary, but as commanded by Christ, and 
needful for the good of our souls. There are great truths irrespective of 
creeds and forms of Church government. The Methodists and Presbyterians 
are as much bound by their own doctrines to worship God in public and par- 
ticipate in the Sacrameats as we Episcopalians are. Have we a moral right 
to set aside these obligations on account of supposed or proved sin in the 
minister, or any of the members of the Church; and if we continue in the 
Church where the sin exists, do we become responsible in the sight of God 
for that sin? The answer to these questions depends upon circumstances. 
If I cannot worship God in public except in a sinful inannrr, then certainly 
I must not worship in public. 1 could not join in popish worship, and if I 
were in a country where there was no other Christian church, I would ab- 
stain from public worship and the Lord's supper. But suppose I am residing 
in Georgia, and the minister and many of the members of the Episcopal 
Church are slaveholders. I can go to church and unite in unexceptionable 
prayers, and listen to sound doctrine, and partake of the Sacrament, without 
in the slightest degree offending my conscience. Is it possible that for so 
doing I am responsible for the sin of slaveholding? I think not, more than 
for any other sin of which any of the congregation may be guilty. But do I 
not, by going to this slaveholding Church, give my sanction to the lawfulness 
of human bondage? Certainly not, while 1 protest against it. But do I not 
at least acknowledge that those with whom I worship are Christians? 1 
acknowledge an undisputed fact that they profess to be Christians, use 
Christian prayers, administer Christian Sacraments, and preach Christian 
doctrines. How far they are accepted and forgiven by their Divine Master, 
it is not for me to say. I have said thus mucli, to indicate the right and 
in some instances the duty of Christians to worshp in what is called a 
pro-slavery Church. That Slavery is contrary to the Divine will, I have no 
doubt — that it is of all forms of oppression the most devilish, I freely accord, 
and as freely that it is the duty of Christians to proclaim its sinfulness, and 
to labor for its abolition. But the question, I apprehend, to be entertained 
by your Convention is, not the duty of individual Christians, but their duty 
as associated hi a Church of Christ. This opens new and wide fields for 
discussion. Who constitute a Church? What are the powers of a Church, 
and how are they to be exercised? Among some Christians, the communi- 



[ -53 ] 



«aats of a congregation form an independent Church. Among omers, the 
baptized are regarded as members of the Church, and a congregation exer- 
-cises the power through its representatives in ecclesiastical judicature. In 
-some cases, the communicants prescribe the conditions on which other com- 
municants may be admitted. With us no conditions of doctrine or practice 
are prescribed, as the minister alone possesses the power to exclude. 

This diversity in the constitution and powers of Churches renders it impos- 
sible for your Convention to lay down any general rule of disciplining or ex- 
cluding slaveholders from Church membersliip, without running counter to 
the rules and discipline and order of some one or more of our religious de- 
nominations. I hope, therefore, the Convention will not assume the author- 
ity of prescribing conditions for admission to the Lord's table, or pointing out 
the subjects of ecclesiastical discipline. These are matters beyond their 
■province. But as a body of Christians, the Convention has full right and 
power to express their opinion that American Slavery is inconsistent with the 
spirit and precepts of the gospel of Christ, and that it is the duly of His 
ministers and disciples to expose its unchristian character, and to labor for 
its extinction: and for this purpose to use in their associated capacity of 
Christian Churches, all such means as are authorized by their several eccle- 
siastical organizations. 

It would give me much pleasure to meet with you, but the state of my 
health and my domestic ties, will necessarily confine me at home. 

With earnest prayer tliat a gracious Providence may direct and prosper 
your deliberations, 1 am, rev'd and dear sirs, vours, very truly, 

WILLIAM JAY. 



From Hon. H. B. Stanton. 

Albaxy, March ,30, 18,50. 
Gkntlemen: My duties here are how, and will continue to be, of such a na- 
ture as to render it impossible for me to accept your kind invitation to attend 
an Anti-Slavery Convention, to be held at Cincinnati on the I7th of April. 

As the close of the session of our Legislature approaches, the pressure of 
business upon us is so great as to prevent a compliance with your request (in 
the event of my inability to attonci your Convention in person), to give you 
my views in writing upon the general subject of Slavery, further tlian to say, 
that I deeply sympathize with, and shall heartily concur in, all Christian, 
constitutional, and legal means whicli tend to prevent the increase and to ter- 
minate the existence of a system which is alike hostile to the rights of the 
slave and the well-being of his master. 

Very respectfully vours, 

HEXliV B. STANTON. 



From the Iter. A. R. liraiUrif, of Fa. 

Darungto.v, Pa., April 1, 1850. 

Dear Brethren : Your letter, inviting me to participate in the deliberations 
of the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, which is to meet on the 17th inst., 
in Cincinnati, is received. 

By an unfortunate .synchroni.sm, the "Free Synod of Cincinnati," of which 
I am a member, will hold its ne.\t regular meeting during the same week, at a 
point nearly three hundred miles from your city, and the paramount duty of 
.attending its sessions, will prevent my accepting your invitation. 1 need 
hardly say I regret this. To see and form a personal acquaintance with the 
•distinguished Christians of so many denominations as will be present, and to 
hear their discussions upon the subject of " freeing the American Israel from 
the sin of slavery," would indeed be a great privilege. 

As, in case of inability to attend in person, you request my views in wri- 
ting as to " the present position of the American Church, and the proper 
•course to be pursued to deliver it from the terrible stain which slavery inflicts 
upon its character," I will briefly and frankly give you my opinion. 

That the American Church, with but few exceptions among its sects, is the 
bulwark of American Slavery, no candid and intelligent man can doubt. In 
the call for your Convention, signed by twelve clergymen, belonging to eight 



[54] 



different denominations, it is distinctly said — "We believe the influence of 
the Church to be so great, that no earthly power can destroy this sin, while 
as now it finds countenance and protection among the professed people of 
God; and that nothing can save it from speedy ruin, so soon as the Church 
shall withdraw its support." This sentiment is unquestionably correct, and 
prepares the way for me to utter the obvious truism, that it is^he clear duty 
of the Cliurch immediately to withdraAV its support and let the iniquitous sys- 
tem sink into non-existence. This should have been done long ago, before the 
pro-slavery leaven had leavened the wliole lump. But the grand difficulty 
now is, that the majority in each denomination is either pro-slavery in charac- 
ter, or more attached to Chnrchianity than to Cliristianity, so that tliere is left 
but a minority to weep between the porch and the altar. And the question 
arises — What is the duty of the anti-slavery minority under such circumstan- 
ces? Happily, the answer to this question is very clearly revealed to us in 
the New Testament. If Slavery be such a giant crime against God and Hu- 
manity as we admit it to be; if it has deformed the character and paralyzed 
the conscience and energies of the Church, so that even Mohamedanism points 
the finger of scorn at us; if it not only implicates us in guilt, but makes the 
Church a stone of stumbling to the world and a foster-parent to infidelity : 
then it is our duty to our own consciences, as well as to God, to cut the sinful 
connexion at all hazards. Paul says to the Thessalonians — " Now we com- 
mand you brethren, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that ye withdraw 
yourselves from every brotlier that walketh disorderly." Also to the Ephesi- 
ans: "Have no fellowship with the unfruitful Avorks of darkness, but rather 
reprove them." Now do not anti-slavery Christians in pro-slavery Churches, 
hold intimate fellowship at the communion table with those tliat walk disor- 
derly V Do they not hold fellowship with tliose wlio practice daily a system 
which abounds in the unfruitful works of darkness? How clear, then, the 
covenant to M>J<Mraw/ I know well from experience, that obedience to this 
covenant of Heaven is difficult, and brings on sometimes great sacrifices of 
comfort, reputation, and property. But is not the Christian life one of war- 
fare and suffering ? Wliat folly, to think of Heaven as a place of rest, unless 
we go up there from a life of toil. What presumption, to expect a " croicn of 
victory," unless we experience in this world the danger and turmoil of tlie battle 
field. Pray, what is the design of tlie visible organization called the Church? 
Is it a great Ark, into which, if a man can only get, lie will be saved from the 
coming deluge of Divine wrath V Is it a widespread, benevolent association, 
for the purpose of giving bread and moderate employment to a class of men 
called preachers, who are too lazy to work for a livelihood, or too destitute of 
talents to succeed in Law, Medicine, or Politics ? Is it a mere appendage to 
civilization, by which man saves tlie reputation lie lias enjoyed among his as- 
sociates upon earth, of being a religious animal ? Or is it not in opposition to 
all these, God's own expedient for regenerating a lost Avorld ana bringing it 
back to His allegiance V Is it not the organization set up by God himself, for 
applying to all the woes and wretchedness of Earth the great remedy of the 
Gospel V In the days of her unity and simplicity, when her genius was un- 
derstood, and when tlic Lord was in the midst of her, did she not overrun the 
Roman Empire before the close of the first century, prostrating by her power 
Paganism and its twin sister, .Slavery? A Christian who expects to reform 
the world by a life of quiet and inglorious ease, is only half born into the 
kingdom. The Church, as she ought to be, is an army of warriors, and fight- 
ing is her vocation — not, I admit, with carnal weapons, but with spiritual, 
which are mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds. 

But perhaps, instead of the Anti-Slavery Curistians in each denomination 
withdrawing from the corrupt majority and organizing as we "Free Presbyte- 
rians" have done, it is in contemplation by some^ that they shall drop their 
denominational peculiarities and unite upon some common platform of faith, 
and thus correct the fault of the reformation of the 16th century, and bring 
the power of a united church to bear upon the kingdom of darkness. Can it 
be possible, that God is going to startle the bigotries of the world by an event 
like this ? — that sectarianism is to be slain, and that the Ciiurch, a new crea- 
tion, is to march back 1800 years to the visible unity and strength of apostolic 
times, and thus bring about the answer' to the prayer of Jesus Christ, "that 
they all may be one as thou Father art in me and I in thee, that the world may 
believe that thou hast sent me !" Oh, how the Angels of Heaven would liover 



L 5^"i ] 

round a body of men bror.ijlit tofjctlicr by such desiri-s and such aims! IIuw 
they would tune their f^ohlcii harps and strike up anew the glorious antheni 
which a corrupt and backslidini; Church has so long forgotten tosiiifj; — " (Uory 
to God in the hight^st, and on earth peace and good will to men ! This union 
of the sincere followers of Christ ought to be consummated; but, alas for the 
weakness of my faith, I doubt whether tve can do it — whether we can do any 
more in this generation than to dig tlie grave of our Shibboleths, leaving it in 
charge to our cliildrcn to btiry them. 

Allow me, in conclusion, to advise that the Convention, composed as it will 
be of Christians from all parts of the country, send up a Memorial to Congress 
on the great (juestion of the day. If sucli a'procedure will do no great visible 
good, it woultl at least reveal somewhat more clearly to the dull eyes of our 
public men, " the handwriting upon the Avail." 

Imploring the presence of (lod amd his blessing upon the deliberations of 
the Convention, 1 remain, dear brethren, 

Your friend and fellow laborer, 

ARTHUR B. BRADFORD. 



From Wfflcyan Methodist Church of Shclbitrne, Vt. 

NoKTir FtRRiSBLRGH, Vt., April 1, ly.'jO. 

Dear Brethren: For sometime subsequent to the publication of the call for 
holding the Convention in your city the present month, I intended to be pres- 
ent, and unite my sympathy in the" important movement to free the Churches 
of the North from the sin of Slavery. But, of late, business connected with 
the session of our yearly Conference, which is to commence the first of May, 
seems to render it impracticable for me to make the attempt to e.vecutc my pre- 
vious design. * * *. 

The call for the Convention has been brought before the Wesleyan Metho- 
dist Church of Shelburne, Vt., of which I am pastor; and the following is 
their action in relation to it : 

"At a meeting of the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Shelburne, Vt., held 
March 9, 1850, the call for a Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, to be holdeu 
in Cincinnati, O., the ;M Wednesday in April next, was read and considered, 
and the following resolutions were "ordered to be prepared for consideration 
and adoption the following day: 

Resohied, That we, tlie Members of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Shel- 
burne, Vt., most cordially approve of the contemplated Christian Anti-Slavery 
Convention, to be holden the 3d Wednesday in April, 1850, for the purposes 
enumerated in a call issued Nov. 20, lb49, and signed by thirteen gentlemen, 
representing diflferent religious denominations. 

Resolved, That we appoint Deacon Charles Grant, of Charlotte, our delegate 
to represent us in said Convention. 

The above resolutions were passed March 10, 1850. 

C. rilLNDLE, Pastor and Chairvian. 

As.\ni;L Nash, Clerk. 

Since the above action was had, Deacon (irant, who is a very wortliy mem- 
ber of the Congregational Church in this vicinity, h;is abandoned the expecta- 
tion of being at Cincinnati, as he and we anticipated at the time lie was ap- 
pointed to represent us. He will, however, make a communication to the con>- 
mittee, giving sucli facts as he is jiersonally acquainted with, in relation to the 
condition of the Cliurches in these parts; which facts may be confided in as 
entirely reliable. 

That something should be done to effect an entire divorcement of the 
Churches from the sin of slaveholding, is so obvious, that the question will 
hardly admit of a momi-nt's controversy. This will not, it cannot occupy 
much of the time of tlie Convention; but what to do, and how to do it, wifl 
constitute the great and momentous questions, that will call for courage, prayer, 
and the exercise of the soundest j\idi;inent. So interwoven ha.s the slave sys- 
tem become Avilh Church organizations and all our benrmlent institutions, and 
so general has the purpose of our ecclesiastical bodies been to stiHe discussion 
even upon this subject, that, not only with myself but with many otliers, the 
conviction amounts to a serious fear, that nothing short of revolution can effect 
the object for which the Convention has beeii called. If, however, the God of 



[ 50 ] 

•wisdom, whose preiciicc we shall uot cease to invoke upon the Coiiveutiou, 
ishall point to ways and means to secure tlie object, that will save the forms of 
present religious structures, it will gratify thousands who do not commit them- 
selves to this great work, because they fear such committal would compel 
them to do, as some others have felt constrained to do, leave their present reli- 
gious associations. 

Should the representatives of the Churches in the _9rea< West meet and leave 
the poor slave to live on in the agonies of his already long-continued dispair. 
And should the perpetrators of the bondman's wrongs see that tliis Christian 
body lacked the noble daring to decree a jubilee for him, earth and heaven 
would make a record, the remembrance of whicli would fill us with self-exe- 
cratious. But though we would pray that strong and practical measures might 
be adopted, we ftiel, deeply feel,thdt, in discussing tlie questions tliat will come 
before you on this great religious question, candor, forbearance, and concilia- 
tion, must be cherished on the part of Christian brethren in the proceedings 
that will take place. 

That the Spirit of the living God, the only adequate guide in this dark pros- 
pect before us, may be abundantly shed upon the Convention in general, and 
each member of it in particular, is, and shall be, the constant prayer of, dear 
brethren, your co-laborer in the gospel of " deliverance to the captives, and 
the opening of the prison to them that are bound." 

CYRUS PRINDLE. 



From the Mr. Charles Grant. 

Charlotte, Vt., March 28, 1850. 

Gentlemen: Through the courtesy and confidence of the W'esleyau Breth- 
ren, I have been appointed a delegate to the Convention of which you are 
chairman. Age and infirmity render my attendance uncertain. Feeling a 
deep interest, I do myself the honor and pleasure of addressing, through 
you, the Convention. 

Nothing since the commencement of the Anti-Slavery reform, has so much 
cheered my spirits, and inspired hope and encouragement, as the call for a 
" Christian Anti-Slavery Convention." All the reasons specified, must 
manifestly exist. The exigencies of the times demand it ; and conspire to 
make the result of such a meeting of "great hearts,'' valiant for truth, ef- 
fective. Perhaps this response, is all that I ought to attempt. But know- 
ing tliat opposition, or silence, will be the course generally taken in this 
State, I feel inclined to say some things in the general. Of the Wesleyan 
Brethren I need not speak — all their sympathies are with you. Not so with 
the Congregational Churches, the communion with which I am associated — 
so saying, would be doing injustice, without explanation. If the ministry 
of this State had taken the lead, the Churches would have been thoroughly 
Anti-Siaveryized, long, long ago. 

If there was now, any way to get an expression from the Churches in this 
State, their sympathies would be with you (in the spirit of the call,) in large 
majorities: (let me say, I speak from long experience, careful observation, 
and mature reflection ; and a knowledge of things of which I speak, not 
limited.) The Churches act, if at all, in accordance with the spirit and di- 
rection of their sjjiritual leaders. Being an obscure layman, it is embarras- 
sing to speak freely and fully the convictions of my mind. I remember the 
injunction, "touch not mine anointed," &c. 

The call clearly unplies great delinquency somewhere. It is important 
to find the seat of a disease before remedies are applied. In the commence- 
meutof the Anti-Slavery reform in this State, there were two (and only two 
that sympatiiized at all) Congregational clergymen, (prominent men,) that 
identified Ihemselves/u//?/ in the reform for some six years. I had the hap- 
piness of an intimate acquaintance with them. They were discreet, tho- 
rough-going men ; and exerted a wide-spread and commanding influence 
among the "common people." There was an array of influence brought to 
bear against them by their ministering brethren not easily to be borne. 
Their zeal gradually abated, "and they followed no more with us." There 
was great dissatisfaction about this time, with a number of prominent lay- 
men in different Churches, at the tardiness of the Clergy in the Anti-Slavery 



L '>' J 

reform ; something must be done to meet the exigency ; (this was about 
1840.) The two gentlemen referred to above, had become admirably fitted 
for a work of "compromise and nullification." Through their agency and 
influence, a "so called" "Anti-Slavery Convention of the Congregational 
Churches of Vermont" was called. All tiie preliminaries antecedent, and 
the organization of the Convention, were so arranged as to have the results, 
what seemed to liave been designed, an extinguisher. 

From that time, as before, and to the present time, no ecclesiastical action 
has been had tliat has resulted in any thing practical. Laymen have now 
und then made the attempt but in vain. The question has been called up 
occasionally from a different source, apparently for the purpose of keeping 
up a show of action. About 1843, tlie Rev. Lullier Bingham came into the 
State from the West: (probably he is not a stranger to the committee.) I 
had the pleasure of an intimate acquaintance. He appeared distressed at 
the state of things in matters of reform among tlie ministry in this State; 
said "they were fifty years behind the times." To my personal knowledge, 
he made several attempts in ecclesiastical bodies to have them take some 
Anti-Slavery action ; but nevrr succeeded. From all that is apparent, his 
zeal, if not altogether, is very much abated. A young man, a relative of the 
Rev. Mr. Bingham, is settled over the Cliurch with which I am associated. 
Eight years ago, he was known as an out-spoken Anti-Slavery man. With 
this imputation upon him, he applied to the association for license — and was 
repulsed. He began to mend his ways, and take a course in sympathy with 
his superiors, which fitted him for their embrace. I asked one of the lead- 
ing men in our Church if we could not give some response to the call, in 
a Church cap;icity. He replied at once, that a large majority of the Church 
were i)repared to give a decided expression, (favorable,) if the Pastor favored 
it, and would make a move. Having an opportunity, I incidentally men- 
tioned the subject of the call to Mr. Bingham, (our Minister.) He was alto- 
gether disinclined to talk about it. It is manifest, that he was not consult- 
ing the feelings of the people among whom he was laboring ; but iha foreign 
ecclesiastical associations with n\ hich he was connected. 1 will here observe, 
that through a very feeble instrumentality, and against much opposition 
from high places, a good deal of Anti-Slavery light has been let in among us 
on the question of slaveholding : more, perhaps, than any other town in this 
vicinity. What 1 have said, and may yet say, may appear to the Committee 
irrelevant, and invidious. Should all the incidents be given in detail, that 
have transpired, (of the same character and bearing,) during the time of 
which 1 have given a brief sketch, they would fill a volume. 

I would by no means exculpate from blame the Churches of which I am 
an individual member ; but I do say, without any qualification, that orga- 
nized Christian action cannot be had, when the ministry do not favor it. I 
am one of those who believe it the appropriate duty and work of the minis- 
try, to take the lead in every good word and work. They are set as the 
spiritual guides of the people. They should exert a commanding influence, 
and claim respect. 

Inland as a State — no large commercial towns — comparatively little of 
.aristocracy therefore, the obstacles most formidable in tiie way of reform, 
are not found immediately and directly among ourselves, with the excep- 
tion of our Colleges, and family connection with our southern neighbors. 
The Committee are acquainted with that fraternization that exists with all 
the large ecclesiastical organizations, Mission Boards, including all the great 
benevolent organizations, called "American." It is known, too, that our 
Colleges and Theological seminaries are controlled by much the same influ- 
ence. These foreign injluences give the reason why the Churches in this State have 
reinained silent and inactive on this subject. 

Notwithstanding these opposing influences, an Anti-Slavery sentiment has 
been, and still is, gradually on the advance. Not from any influence going 
out from the Churches, in tlieir official organs, (considered as a whole,) but 
from the fact that the question is so prominently before the nation. There 
is something very significant and peculiar, in the fact, that whilst the Slavery 
question is racking and shaking the nation, from center to circumference, 
the ministry and religious journals are comparatively silent — some noble ex- 
ceptions. 



[ 58 ] 



1 Av-ill give Kome reasons, or facts, to show whatihe prospects are, towards 
a state of healthy action. I have an acquaintance with several young gen- 
tlemen, recently from the schools, and who have entered the ministry. Spe- 
cial pains has been taken to know the course they intend to take in the 
Anti-Slavery reform. They seem (some say it in so many words) to have 
adopted the course recommended hy a leading religious journal, "a let alone, 
do nothing policy." There is nothing marvellous or strange about it. Were 
they to attempt any thing tangible, and practical, their seniors and superiors 
would everywhere frown upon them. 1 have referred to the influence of 
colleges and theological seminaries. During the last fifteen years, I have 
had an acquaintance with a good number of young men, who in early life 
gave promise of being thorough-going reformatory men. Some that were de- 
cidedly out-spoken on the sin of Slavery, gave public lectures, united with 
Anti-Slavery societies, &c. In every such case, the influence of the college 
and theological seminary has never failed to eradicate such notions. They 
admit that they follow the advice and instructions of their tutors. 

I have spoken my honest convictions. My moral vision may be diseased 
— my powers of discrimination obtuse. Be that as it may, I am as far re- 
moved from any earthly interest in the flatteries or frowns of tliis world, as 
any living mortal man can be. Still 1 feel a great desire, according to the 
talent given me, to labor for the promotion of that kingdom which is righte- 
ousness and peace. To live in the exercise of that charity that suffereth 
long and is kind, and courteous, &c., and attain, and maintain, that meek 
and quiet spirit, which in the sight of God is of great price. » » » 

My heart's desire and prayer to God is, that a spirit of wisdom and grace 
may be imparted to you, that shall abundantly qualify for those high and 
responsible duties that you have voluntary assumed. It is a move of no or- 
dinary character. The qnestion may now be considered as settled, that an 
influence for loeal or for woe will he the result of this move. The hand is 
put to the plough. It is too late to look hack. I trust that no one that has 
favored the move wishes so to do. 

May the good Providence of God, bring together a goodly number of men, 
filled with the spirit of Heavenly wisdom and firmness — men having on the 
whole armor of the Gospel — thereby filling ihem for just "such a time as 
this." 

May the spirit of the Highest overshadow and fill the place where the Con- 
vention may assemble ; tliat no place may be found for bitterness and wrath ; 
using only the "vv-eapons that God has given — the light of truth and love of 
Heaven." 

May the Lord save us as individuals — save us as a people — save the Ameri- 
can Church and nation, from any further attempts to make righteousness 
and unrighteousness fellowship each other — is the prayer of your brother in 
Christ. Sincerely and respectfully yours, 

CHARLES GRANT. 



From Lemuel Foster and Chas. W. Hunter, Upper Alton, III. 

UiM'ER Ai/roN, March 14, 18.50. 
Dear Brethren: The call for a Christian Anti-Slavery Convention to be 
held in your city next month, has at last come to hand— too late, however, 
for gathering and sending names, as you request, but still, not too late to 
express an interest in the movement. Feeling ourselves a deep interest in 
it, we, the undersigned, though personally unacquainted with you, venture 
to address you, as chairman of the committee, and bid you and them a hearty 
God speed in the eflort. Go on, and the Lord be with you, as He will. Go 
on, names or no names. Depend on it, there are some, even in this unprom- 
ising region, that will sympathize strongly in the movement. We fear, how- 
ever, that few, if any, from here will be at the Convention. We greatly 
regret, that another meeting, (that of our Presbytery,) in wiiich important 
business is devolved on us, occurs the same week; which will make it im- 
possible even for ourselves to be with you. This we regret, not because any 
aid or counsel of ours will be necessary, but from the interest we feel in the 
effort. And we tliink there are the best of grounds for all this interest, and 
for the movement which you propose; and that it is now loudly called 



[ 59 



for in the Providence of God. "VVe would, then, in bidding your committee 
God-speed in this effort, make bold to glance at one or two reasons now 
strongly urging it. 

1. It has now become a law, that if the awful sin of slaveholding, 
which is now making the heavens over our heads brass, and the earth 
under our feet tinder, and our whole land fit only for an oven glowing 
with God's fury— if tliis awful sin is to be put away, even from the 
Church, it is, we say, clear, that some such movement as this is necessary. 
It is now lamentably true of large and indnential l)odies of professed 
Christians in our land, as you say in your circular, that " they enshrine 
slaveholding in the Church." Many, at least, of these bodies have now 
clearly shown, that this is tlieir policy and ilcsifrii, and that they mean to 
do it. They have locked up this American Moloch in the most holy place 
along witli the law and the testimony. One such body has refused to 
bring it out to view at all, even once in a year. In another, where it 
has heretofore been brought out, last spring "a very decided opposition 
manifested itself to any general discussion on the subject." It was there 
staved off to the last, and though a large number of its connexion called 
on that body to free their communion " from all participation in the sin 
of slaveholding," yet, when it was at length admitted, they did not touch 
that point; but, wliile tliousands in their connexion were holding their 
fellow-men, and even their ow^i brethren and sisters in Christ, as goods 
and chattels, to be bought and sold, and murdered, lashed and violated, — 
and they k7ieiv it too, — while all this was fact, they conlly resolved re- 
specting those slaveholding members, " We do not know that they tolerate any 
of those evils ichich ought to call forth the discipline of the Church" .'! ! Well may 
we call on the heavens to be astonished at this! But the point is, if they 
did not knew it then, when will they know it? Never, never, NEVER! 
Their action is a most deadly quietus to all effort in that quarter. 

Then, moreover, in other bodies, where searcliing measures had been 
set on foot two years ago against slaveholding, and committees appointed 
to report last year, notliing decisive was done. In one of those bodies, 
from which much was expected, the majority report of its committee was 
a most perfect abortion, merely running over some action on slavery, 
which had done nothing at all to remove it, and pointing the body to 
nothing to do. Hut the report was freely adopted, nem con., — and then, 
singular to tell, a contrary report, looking to effectual discipline for this 
sin, was adopted too; and then left to rest quietly with the other. So 
the body "blew cold," and "blew hot,' and blew nothing at all; and 
then went back to the embrace of slavery, just as it was when it started 
two years before! True — to show their boldness at disunion, some of 
these bodies engage in most pompous shouts, at certain "abstractions" 
about slavery, where they are sure not to hit any body, — all proving, 
however, alas! nothing but this, — that they do not mean to do any execution. 
And there is a grand excuse for all this do-and- no-do action on slavery, in 
the quarter referred to. The principle is broached and carried through those 
larger ecclesiastical and benevolent bodies, that slaveholding is not in itself 
sinful, — only "the system is intrinsically wicked" — sometimes not that; 
only "incidental evils" — so a man may use this "intrinsically wicked sys- 
tem," and thus sanction it, and yet be pure as any saint; — don't say aught 
against him: — And a book has been written by a doctor of much influence 
there, to enforce and sustain this principle, and it is often referred to, and 
is now working there, to cut up all effectual action against slaveholding, by 
the roots. Indeed, it is now made clear, that these large bodies, over the 
land, do not aim to remove slavery, even from tliemselves, or the church, if 
they can help it. It is not their policy. Their present policy, and reigning 
aim, is right against it: it is, to have a. self-preseri^nir harmony, any how. If 
" extortion," and that in its most hellisii form, as our slaveholding, must be 
fellowshipped to keep together — why, do it: — right against the Apostles — do 
it. If remaining sins will remove members, keep them — hug them to the 
bosom of the Church. Don't agitate— don't agitate, — we shall lose mem- 
bers — lose influence by it, — we must preserve oiir denominational integrity. 
And so each body must have its own psalm book, and its own newspaper, as 
ito " oracle," and its own sepai-ate channel of benevolence. Here is the 



[ CO ] 

grand aim and effort of these bodies now — this is their present policy, and 
it precludes all hope of their putting away slaveholding from the Church, or 
any other sin that requires conflict. And if, with all this before us, we rely 
on them to do it, and wait for it, God will curse us; for it is only a known 
conniving and consenting with this great sin, on our part. There is, as you 
say in your circular, a " personal responsibility" in this matter, which we 
cannot shake off. And God is now calling on individual christians, churches 
and all, to awake, look after this responsibility, and discharge it. He knows, 
and so do we, that we can, if we will, unite our christian influence against 
slaveholding, and to put it out of the church, instead of having it go to coun- 
tenance it, and keep it there. We can do this, and we refuse to do it at our 
peril! We can do it, and we must, and we WILL! And, blessed be God, 
there are multitudes that are now ready to resolve also, "we will; — we can 
no longer give our church-fellowship to this monster-wickedness." And 
this is, in fact, the second reason which we had in our eye, why this move- 
ment which you propose should be engaged in with great interest and energy. 
The Lord's people have a mind for it. The way is prepared; God has been 
getting everytliing ready. Not only have the world and politicians, almost 
or quite, gone before the church against this sin, thereby stirring them up 
against it; but christians and churches are beginning to feel that they cannot 
be spiritually blessed with it — that if they cherish such iniquity, and so 
known, the Lord will not hear them — that they must indeed strive to over- 
come sin every where. They are beginning to sigh and cry for spiritual life — 
for fellowship with God — for a constant, living, soul-blessing union and one- 
ness with Christ. They are beginning to feel that identity with Christ, is 
the great thing to be sought; and not identity with this, that or the other 
body, seat, or channel of operation, go where they will. They are begin- 
ning to feel, that the rich promises in God's word, of peace and joy and life, 
and the indwelling of the Holy Ghost, to tliose who do God's will, walk 
with Christ, and keep his words, — menu something; — that the promised bless- 
ings are theirs to seek; and that their high calling and vocation is, — to a 
fellowship and union with Christ against all sin. Now this is a blessed 
preparative for such an effort as is contemplated in this movement for put- 
ting away this great sin of slaveholding from the church. For evidently, to 
effect it, christians and churches, who now give their fellowship to counten- 
ance and sanction slavery, must take it out of that channel and combine it 
in another. We suppose this is what is contemplated by the movement. 
We see not how the work can otherwise be done. And the combination 
should be a large one, — yes, let it spread over the whole North-west. We 
believe that Providence has prepared the way for it — that the hearts of a 
multitude of christians are ready, and that we now need, and must have — 
a. North Western General Convention of Churches — established as a regular 
christian or ecclesiastical body. It must have a broad basis — just as broad 
as the corner-stone of our salvation, and so, embracing all the different evan- 
gelical denominations, and admitting delegates or commissioners from asso- 
ciations, conferences, presbyteries, and indeed all gospel churches. And, 
while it is formed, and engages especially to put away slaveholding from the 
church, and takes high and clear and decided ground against that, it must 
not weaken and destroy its influence by harboring or consenting with other 
sins. It must be not only an anti-slavery body, but it must be anti-sabbath 
breaking, anti-war, anti-profanity, anti-civil-atheism, anti-drinking, anti- 
pride, luxury, licentiousness, worldliness, cheating and fraud, error, heath- 
enism — and, in short, it must be anti-every-thing to the ends of tlie earth 
that is Anti-Christ. Its ruling principle and motto must be — Union with 
• Christ against all Sin.' 0! to have such a body formed, embracing all the 
North-west, would be one glorious achievement in this rebel world! And 
rts meetings should take place annually, and the business in them should be, 
to bow around the cross, all melted, subdued, washed in the Fountain — to 
be filled with the Spirit — to get up into the presence of God, and pray and 
praise and adore, and in this light to see light, and in this wisdom and 
strength to do all; and thus furnished, it should be further, — to inquire and 
consult, and plan and labor and strive for the above glorious end of over- 
coming all sin, and bringing in the promised triumphant reign of Christ on 
'Sarth. 



[ 01 ] 

We repeat it — we think the way is now prepared for an effort of this kind; 
and this is surely an abundant reason why your committee should go for- 
ward in it, with great energy, and with a holy confidence in God. Our 
prayers will be with that body when it meets. We Jjope that body will be 
especially a praying body, seeking and receiving its light from on high. It 
may be opposed in some quarters — may be suspected and reproaclied by 
many; but if its meeting is a meeting icit/i God, it will possess an unearthly 
power that will shake the old bastile of slavery in our land to its very center! 
And by this, other strong-holds of Satan will also be shaken and prepared for 
falling down. 

Should any organization take place at the Convention, contenyilating 
future meetings, Ve shall expect. Providence permitting, to be in them. 
3Iost truly yours, for tliis work, 

LEMUEL FOSTER, 
CHAS. W. HUN'J'EK. 



Front. Hon. J. G. Bimcy, of Michigan. 

LowKR Saginaw, Mich., April 2, 1850. 

Gentlemen: Your note of invitation to the Anti-Slavery Christian Conven- 
tion, to be held in Cincinnati on the 17th instant, was duly received. I 
thank you for it. Should 1 be present with you, my feeble health would 
prevent my adding any thing to your deliberations; but, as it is, it will be 
in the way of my being even at the Convention. 

1 supposed, as the church was a watch-tower, its ministers would give the 
alarm when they descried any evil approaching. I suffered myself to be de- 
luded for a long time, by this expectation. Ikit further investigation con- 
vinced me that the church, every where, was in the rear of society, as far 
as regarded the removal of abuses which had insinuated themselves among 
them, and to which they had become familiarized. So that, with the excep- 
tion of small denominations, which I greatly honor for their conduct in this 
particular, the church cannot disappoint me much in its anti-slavery meas- 
ures, because I look for so little — hardly any thing, indeed — from it. 

I see from the newspapers that Mr. Clay is trying again to compromise 
the matter of Slavery between the North and the South. His skill and power, 
and his experience, too, in this respect, I would not underrate, but, as it ap- 
pears to me, no one can permanently compromise, in this country, a moral 
question. Mind, here — 1 mean in the free States — is too free to submit to it- 
Mr. Clay might, with the same prospect of success, try to make us Roman 
Catholics or Protestants, as of making us all think alike about human bond- 
age. Even if his resolution pass Congress, he will find tliat the dislike of 
Slavery is as great as it ever was, and perhaps somewhat greater, as it will 
shew that it has befooled those who profess to be wise. Party leaders 
may conform to his views, but they have never hitherto been in the move- 
ment. Their consciences are not active enough, nor do they care enough 
about liberty for aU. What they want is the liberty to enslave their fellow- 
creatures, or to send back into slavery those who are endeavoring to escape 
from it. 

In tlie same list I place the fugitive bill, now before the Senate. They 
may pass it — they may increase tlie penalties — they may multiply the num- 
ber of persons before whom the captured slave may be brought, but it cannot 
be enforced. There is too much activity of conscience among us, to allow 
of its enforcement, any more than of the enforcements of the existing law. 

In all countries where the mind of man is unfettered, as it is, for the 
most part, in the free States, surprizingly rapid advances are made in civili- 
zation and improvement. The Slave States have always been a clog to the 
upward tendency of the free — for, in the former, mind id almost dead, except 
on a coniparativily few subjects, and they connected, in some way, with the 
enslavement of their fellow-beings. The question has now got to this 
point, and therefore, it gives me but little uneasiness — will the free States 
consent to be clogged and retarded, as they have been, in their upward aspi- 
ration, toward improvement and civilization, by Slavery, or will they ^t it 
away? That Slavery will be much weakened by the present agitation, an*? 
ultimatly go out, I entertain but little doubt. 



[62 ] 

It must surprise all reflecting persons, that Slavery should be cousidered 
by our legislators as an institution which they may establish or not just as 
suits their pleasure. But 1 apprehend, they will find that what is morally 
wrong ban never be politically right. 

That your Convention may be not only an agreeable one, but a useful one, 
is the ardent wish of your very ob't serv't, 

JAMES G. BIRNEY. 



From Rev. A. Hopkins, Professor of Williams College, Mans. 

Williams Collegk, April 2d, 1850. 

Gentlemen: I had the honor to receive your circular and accompanying 
letter of invitation a few days since- Official duties will preclude the pos- 
sibility of my attending the contemplated Convention personally. I feel, 
however, a deep interest in the object of it. I am persuaded of the entire 
soundness of the ground taken by the committee, " that nothing can save the 
institution of Slavery from utter ruin so soon as the Church shall withdraw 
her support." The same thing is true of many other evils. All the multiform 
secret associations whieh are springing up in our day, are related to the 
Church very much as Slavery is. Intemperance and war plead Church pat- 
ronage. But who shall persuade tiiose, who are implicated in associations 
anti-christian in their practical influence, or who abet practices of immoral 
and dangerous tendency, to abandon them? This we may certainly hope to 
see done in many instances — in instances numerous enough to encourage 
the most earnest and active philanthropy. Tliat we can expect to seeit 
universally done, is more than I should dare to hope for, without a dispen- 
sation of the Spirit more powerful than has been experienced as yet in the 
church. Moral reformations may take place, but they will be wanting in 
thoroughness and universality, unless the church can in some war secure 
that fundamental condition of all radical reform, the presence and power 
of the Divine Spirit. Our conventions, many of tliem, have almost any 
character rather than a pentecostal one; and hence, doul)tless, one reason 
why the wheels of progress move so slowly. The moving power is want- 
iing. If the contemplated Convention should turn out to be a mere speech- 
making convention, little good can be hoped from it. Should it prove to be a 
convention which can properly be characterized as a. praying one, great good 
sinay, in my opinion, be hoped for. What we need on this subject, evidently 
■is, free discussion, urtder the control of a gospel spirit. 

With my best wishes anil prayers for the successful issue of your delibera- 
tions, I remain yours in the bonds of Christian love. 

A. H. HOPKINS. 



From Wm. Ooodell, Honeoye, Ontario Co., N. Y. 

HoNEOYE, Ontario county, N. Y., April 1, 1850. 
Dear Brethren: Your kind letter of invitation to attend a Christian A.nti- 
Slavery Convention, at Cincinnati, the 17th of April, has ju.st come to hand. 
Engagements in other directions will probably render it impossible for me to 
•do !<o,~and I therefore avail myself of the opportunity presented, to express a 
few thoughts on the subject of your intended deliberations. And I cannot 
better do this than by commencing with a few propositions, which, to my mind, 
are suflSciently evident, and which only need due attention to impress them- 
selves upon the minds of most Christians, as deserving a prayerful exami- 
nation. 

1. A Christian Church I understand to be an assembly of Christians, mutu- 
ally recognizing each other as Christians, and united together for the worship 
of God, for mutual edification and watch, care, and especially for the concen- 
tration of their energies in the doing of Christ's work. • 

2. To this idea of a Christian Church, it is essential that all who, in view 
of their principles and practice, give creditable evidence of being true Chri.s- 
rians.or regenerated persons, should be welcomed to church membersliip; — 
and equally so, that all who fail to give such evidence, should, after due de 
liberation and adxnonltion, ho rejected from church membership. The condi- 
tion of entrance info a Christian Church, and of remaining in it, are the same; 



[03 1 

a.ad QO one has a rightful claim to churcli luemborship any longer than he con- 
tinues to exhibit creditable evidence that he ia a Christian. 

3. No member of a Cliurch ough; to be excluded from its communion and 
fellowship without a previous effort, by admonition and instruction, to con- 
vince him of his errors or wrong practices, and to persuade him to abandon 
them; nor until it becomes apparent by hia departure from the fundamental 
truths of religion, or by his refusal to abandon sinful practices, or by the spirit 
that he exhibits, under admonition, that he no longer gives creditable evidence 
of being a Christian. But this rule should never be perverted to tlie indefi- 
nite postponement of Cluirch discipline, nor to the introduction of a defective 
and false standard of Christian chaiacter. 

4. In order to give rational and Scriptural evidence of Christian character, 
a man must receive in love the fundamental principles of the Christian reli- 
gion — must habitually reduce those principles to practice in all tlieir applica- 
tions — must be earnestly intent on learning more and more of those principles, 
and the application of "them in all the duties and relations of life. He must, 
therefore, welcome, gratefully, a free examination in the Church of fundamental 
questions of Christian doctrine and duty; — he must be willing to examine his 
own practices, and the practices of his brethren, in the light of the Bible and 
of the principles therein revealed. He must exhibit a candid and teachable 
spirit, and welcome the truth, however much it may reprove him, and from 
whatever quarter it may come. He must be actively ami lovingly engaged in 
the service of God and of mankind; and he must be making progress in know- 
ledge and holiness. 

5. The right and the duty of a minority, or of an individual, in a Church, 
to withdraw from the fellowship of the ungodly, is essentially the same as the 
right and duty of a majority to do the same thing. Scriptural excommunica- 
tion, excision, and secession are, in nature and essence, the same act. M.ajori- 
ties have no right to exclude those who give creditable evidence of being 
Christians. Minorities and individuals have no warrant for retaining perma- 
nent membership in religious bodies that fail to give creditable evidence of 
being Christians, and that refuse to be reclaimed. 1 he Divine command, "Put 
away from among yourselves that wicked person (1 Cor. v.); and the Divine 
command, "Come out of her, my people," itc. «tc. (Itev. xviii, 4), are essen- 
tially of the same nature, and rest upon the same authority and the same rea- 
sons. Hence, 

6. To excommunicate, or to secede, for other causes than forfeiture of Chris- 
tian character, is schism. To fail of doing this, in a plain case of such forfeit- 
ure, is unfaithfulness to Christ and His Church. Yet neither excommunica- 
tion nor separation* should be resorted to without previous admonition and 
Christian labor, as before noticed. 

7. A Church is not proved to be a Christian Church, because it has an ortho- 
dox Christian creed, or belief; nor because its form of church organization is 
correct; nor because it observes, duly, the outward and appointed ordinance.s 
of the Gospel; nor because it was founded in the pra\'ers and by the labors of 
eminent Christians and ministers; nor becau.se it has been the spiritual birth- 
place of precious souls into Christ's kingdom; nor because it has still some 
true and even eminent Christians in its communion; nor becau.se (consequent- 
ly) some real conversions from sin to holiness take place, from time to time, 
within her enclosures, or in the midst of her activities. By many of these 
marks the Church of Rome (wliich comprises at least a part of the mystical 
Babylon) might be proved to be, and to have been (in all ages) a Christian 
Church : — the Protestant Keformation becomes a schism, and the coinmaud to 
" come out of her," becomes nugatory and unmeaning. The Protestant Re- 
formers were converted in the bosom of the Romish Church, but that circum- 
stance did not warrant them to remain in it. 

8. The principle of Christian Unity, or the receiving of all Christians (as 
before stated), does not forbid Christians to secede from a corrupt Church, 
though there may be Christians left in it. The act of seceding does not break 
fellowship with the7n. It invites them to come into a true Church and aban- 
don a. false Church, as Christ bids tlieni. 

9. The lowest definition of a Christtatt Church tliat can be made without 

* An amicable separation of cong-r^o-arions for conveniente, oi from necessity, is no', of the 
nature of the " separation" here intended. 



[ c>i ] 

doing manifest violence to Scripture, is, that it is an assembly composed, 
mainly, of real Christians — that its character and influence, on the whole, are 
decidedly on the side of God, of Christ, of hximanity, of Christian truth, of 
Christian inquiry, of Christian progress, of the world's redemption from all 
sin. 

A Christian Church must be one that is doing Christ's work. And for this 
cause "was the Son of God manifested, that he might destroy the works of the 
devil." He was " anointed" (was constituted tlie Messiah) " to preach the 
gospel of deliverance to the captives — the opening of the prison doors to them 
that are bound." # 

10. In 1 Cor. V, Paul seems to go farther; and to affirm that unless the 
Church at Corinth should " put away from themselves that (one) wicked per- 
son," the Christian character of the entire Church would be destroyed, upon 
the principle that "a little leave n\ea.Yoneth the whole lump." (See the whole 
chapter, wherein extortion is mentioned as one of the practices, on account of 
which an offender must be excinded.) 

11. A Church cannot be Clivist's Cliurch that, so far from being engaged in 
Christ's work, is actively, habitually, resolutely, and perseveringly engaged 
in doing or in sustaining " the works of the devil" — opposing all wlio earn- 
estly attempt doing Christ's work — stopping their ears, and bolting their pul- 
pit and church doors, and all the avenues of intelligence used by them, against 
an investigation of the subject — refusing to entertain the inquiry, whether they 
are doing or hindering Christ's work. A Cliurch cannot be Christ's Church 
that persists in giving aid and comfort to Clirist's enemies, and sympathizes 
with the bloody persecutors of Christ's friends, and the oppressors of his 
crushed poor ("the least of his brethren"), and assisting to elevate those per- 
secutors and oppressors to places of power — "setting up the workers of ini- 
quity," and refusing to plead for the dumb, or to "deliver tlie spoilea out of 
the hands of the oppressor." To say that such Churches are Christ's, is to 
" disorganize" the Church, by obliterating the distinction between the Church 
and the world. 

Such are some of the positions, dear brethren, that I should wish to affirm 
in your Convention, were I with you, and (if needful) assist to discuss. To 
enter into the argument on paper, and at this distance, to much extent or effect, 
especially without knowing how such propositions would be received in the 
Convention, would not be in place. What bearing such propositions would 
have upon the occasion and the object of your Convention, you can judge at a 
glance. I have no new facts to spread out before you in respect to the charac- 
ter of American Slavery, nor in respect to the position of the American 
Churches — Northern and Southern— in respect to it. The tone of your printed 
circular, inviting the Convention, assure me — what I could not doubt^ — that 
the monster crime of the nation and the position of the Churches in respect 
to it, have not escaped your earnest attention. Were it otherwise, you would 
not desire such a Convention. The statement of the problem in your cir- 
cular, appears to carry its solution along with it! What course remains 
for Christians, when the religious organizations claiming to represent, to 
embody, to expound, and to propagate the Christian religion, maintain the 
position that your circular describes? What can remain, but, in the fear 
of God and in view of the coming judgment, to demand that such a state 
of things shall no longer exist — that "the Churches must speedily rA(//i<;r (/icr 
position, or be no longer recognized nor sustained as the Churches of Clirist? 
How else, is Christian fidelity to be maintained? How else, are Christian 
institutions, (already falling into contempt,) to be redeemed from reproach? 
How else, shall the enemies of the cross of Christ be disarmed ? How else, 
shall infidelity, among our most intelligent citizens, be held in check? How 
else, shall the rising generation be trained in the reverence of the Holy 
Bible, and in the fear of the Christian's God? 

Will the honor of Christian institutions be urged against such a cour.se? 
In the name of the Church and ministry, of the Bible, and of the Sabbath, 
will Christians and will Christian ministers plead the necessity of sustain- 
ing organizations like these? Oh! how manifestly does the honor of all 
these, require that they be redeemed from the reproach of sustaining Slavery. 
Nay, of not being sufficiently wielded against it! For what purpose, and 
to what end, has God given us the Church, the mini.stry, the Bible, and 
the Sabbath, unless it be to wield them, as He intended they should be. 



[05] 



for the overthrow of all sin — and especially the giant sin of our times? Or 
■what can be more evident, than that the support of corrupt Cliurchcs, in- 
volves the impossibility and the neglect of supporting Churches of ChristV 
What else would Jesus Christ have us do? " If thejjsalt have lost its savor, 
it is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and trodden under 
foot of men." 

The only questions, as it seems to me, in such an emergency, must bo 
those tliat relate to the manner and time. Of the manner, I have sjwken 
in the propositions themselves. Of the time, what shall I say ? If two 
hundred years of Christian (?) slaveholding does not suffice for us, and if 
eighteen years of unremitting and earnest testimony, amid tlie thunder peels 
of divine Providence, (and "while the nation is reeling to and fro, like a 
drunken man, under the tokens of divine displeasure,) be not a sufficient, 
season of preliminary action, what hope is tlierc of a more "convenient 
season," and ichcn will the time for vigorous and decisive Christian discip- 
line arrive? 

I know not what embarrassments and delays may arise from the artifi- 
cial arrangements, of human origin, with which the Churclies of our times 
may have fettered themselves, i go back of all the.se. I point to a more 
ancient, a more authoritative manual of Cliurch discipline. I point to the 
18th chapter of Matthew — to 1 Cor. 5th cliapter — to the messages of the 
seven Churches of Asia — to the command to " come out" of the mystic 
Babylon that traffics in the " souls of men." And I ask, whetlier the action 
-of Christian Churches, in the nineteenth century, should not harmonize 
with these ? I ask, whether any usages or arrangements more modern than 
those of the New Testament, should be permitted to stand in tlie way of 
a. compliance with such commands? I do not forget that "eight diffi-rent 
denortiinations" are represented in your committee, and that even 7norc than 
these may assemble in your Convention. I hail it as a token of good tiiat 
this is so. And may I not be permitted, very respectfully and affi'ction- 
ately, to -uu^lk^;, tliat the Convention Avill be likely to agree in the results of 
their diliii.;:ui.>ii'~, and to agree in the truth, very nmch in the degree in which 
the sevcial nirmlicrs »}ia.\l forget their respective "denominations" and remem- 
ber that tluy are Christians, professing to be guided by only God's word. 

Will tliere be those in your Convention (it would be strange and unusual if 
there should not,) who will be ready to quote the Savior as saying that both 
the tares and the wheat -sliould grow together until the harvest, and that of 
twelve chosen by him, there was one that was a devil? Will such allow me to 
ask that they shiall tell you what place their exposition and use of those texts 
would leave them for any such thing as church discipline? If no "tares" are 
to be excluded, and if even a Judas must be retained, for what possible cause 
or on what conceivable occasion should excomnuinication ever take place? 
And will they abide by the result? Let me ask, again, whether (by Cnrist's 
own exposition of his parable) " the f eld" in which " the tares and the wheat" 
were to " grow together," was the Church, or wliether it was " the world?" And 
whether there is no difference in the constituent elements of " the Churcli" and 
" the world?" 

And yet again, let me ask, (in the case of Judas,) whether the all-seeing eye 
of Chri.st, or whether the perception of apostacy by his disciples, was the rule 
of their action in the premises? Whether the record in the first chapter of the 
Acts favors the idea that Judas, had he survived, would have retained his 
«hurch membersliip and apostleship, from \f]uch " by transpression" (not hy 
his decease,) he " fell?" And whetlier an exposition and a theory of church 
polity can be trustworthy, that would still enrol an Apostle Judas among the 
twelve? 

I press these cnqiiiries, because, for, lo! these sixteen hundred years, the 
•course of church discipline appears to have been impeded by the supposed 
precedents of Judius and the tares! From the first dawn of tlie Protestant Re- 
formation, A. D. 251 among the Novatianists, thence down the long line of their 
successors, the Donatists, tlie Paulicians, another name for the Albigcnees, the 
Waldenses, the Lollards, and so on, to the Protestants, the Puritans, the por- 
tals of " Mother Church" appear to have been constantly guarded against the 
ingress of revolutionary innovation, by those potent sentinels of ecclesiastical 
conservatism — Judas and the tares! It seems nigh time that tlieir pretensions 
to chc h supremacy and church membership, were thoroughly sifted and 
5 



[CO ] 

disposed of, once for all. If your Cincinnati Convention can accomplish this, 
it will deserve grateful remembrance in all coming time. 

There is another excuse or palliation for the position and course of the exist- 
ing Churches, that will be likely to claim attention in your Convention. It 
will be pleaded that the Churches are still in darkness on the subject of Slavery, 
and are waiting for " Jiiore litflit." That the " self-evident truths" proclaimed 
by the entire nation, three-fourths of a century ago, are not yet understood and 
believed by " the light of the world," that must needs be illuminated bij the world 
before it can proclaim "the truth! 

In reply to such suggestions, it may be pertinent to inquire whether the 
Church is willing to receive the needed light, and is earnestly inquiring and 
seeking after it? Whether the trtte Church may not claim the promise of God 
who promises to give wisdom to those who ask of him ? Still furthsr, it may 
be asked, whether the new birth be not a translation out of "darkness into 
God's marvellous light?" And if so, whether CAmZians ought not to he pre- 
sumed to understand those great fundamental truths that are obvious and evi- 
dent to all men; even to the unregenerate, the unevangelized, the heathen? If 
even these (as Paul assures us,) are "without excuse" for their abominable prac- 
tices, on the ground that " God hath showed to them," by " the things that 
are made," " the invisible" attributes of his nature, and unwritten law in their 
own bosoms, that should guide them, oh! what shall we say to the plea that 
the Churches of the nineteenth century, in America, in the very attitude of 
"converting the world" and ushering in "the Millennium," are still in close 
fellowship with oppression, with human chattlehood, with enforced heathen- 
ism, with concubinage, and with the persecution of the "gospel of deliver- 
ance" — and all for want of "more light?" — a light, too, that they systematic- 
ally exclude from their sanctuaries, and from their circles of prayer, from 
whence the petition is going up, " Lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" And 
how will a "charity" that accepts such excuses correspond with the maxims of 
the beloved and loving disciple, John? — " God is light, and in Him is no dark- 
ness at all." — " If we say that we have fellowship with him, and walk in dark- 
ness, we lie, and do not the truth." — "He that saith, I know him, and keepeth 
not his commandments, IS a liar, and the truth is not in himi" — " He that saith 
he is in the light, and hateth his brother, is in darkness even until now." — "He 
that loveth his brother, abideth in the light, and there is none occasion of 
slumbering in him." — "But he that hateth his brother, is in darkness, and walk- 
eth in darkness, and knoweth not whither he goeth, because that darkness 
hath blinded his eyes." — Little children, let no man deceive you! He that 
doeth righteousness is righteous, even as he is righteous." 

Your friend and brother, WILLIAM GOODELL. 



From Samuel R. Ward, Boston. 

Boston, April 3, 1850. 

Gentlemen: I was not at home when your letter of the 20th ult. came to my 
oflfice. It was forwarded to me by my clerk, but by some delay in the mails 
for which I cannot account, it did not reach me till day before yesterday, 
Since that time, 1 have been more than ordinarily occupied with professional 
engagements: wherefore, I pray you to pardon the non-answering of your very 
kind invitation sooner. 

It would give me great pleasure to meet the friends of Freedom and of Zion in 
Cincinnati on the 17th inst. I know that your call will of necessity attract a 
great many of the truest hearts in your own State and all the free States, and 
not a few of the citizens of the slave States. To meet such men, and to be 
profitted by their wise and learned counsels, would be to me, would my en- 
gagements allow it, a gratification such as I seldom enjoy. 

My opinions in respect to "the present position of our American Israel, and 
on the proper course to be pursued to deliver the churches from the terrible 
stain which slavery inflicts upon their character," are the opinions of too hum- 
ble and obscure an individual to be of any weight in your Convention. But 
such as they are, you are welcome to them. 

My view of the case, may be peculiar to myself, but I regard the churches, 
the orthodox churches of our country, as having departed from God and the 
Bible, on the subject of Slavery, and as a consequence they have yielded up 
the truth on other great vital subjects. 



[ <■'' ] 

No one sin is men' frequently nor mure strong-ly [jroliibileil iiml rebwkeil in 
the Sacred V(jlunie, th;in the .-in of oppression. 'Of no sin does the OM Tt-s- 
tament inake more marked demands that the Ancient Israel of God siiould 



repent, than of the sin of opjiression. And from the first prcuaching of our 
Lord and Master, to the last forjfiving words that fell from liis dying iij 3, He 
ever laid down principles, as fundamental to His syst<'m of religion, which in 
their very nature are the directest opposites to the oppression of man, and are 
:dso the clearest enunciations of the inviolability of liuman rights. There is, 
to my mind, no one point in which the Scriptures of the Old and the New Testa- 
ments more perfectly harmonize than in this. Of course, I treat, and hold as 
bordering upon lieresy of a damnable character, those monstrous assniujjK^ions 
which declare the r>ii)le to favor Slavery. I regard this doctrine as one of tin' 
saddest evidences of our relapse from tin; " truth as it is in Jesus." When St. 
Paul, who knew all about it, says that "the heir dittereth nothing from a ser- 
vant," it makes no odds what translation be given to doidas, it is certain that, 
according to the Jewish laws and customs, the heir and the servant were in 
the same civil and social condition. To say otherwise, is to contradict the 
plainest teachings of tlie Divine Word. So, Mhen the Apostle tells us, that 
" the law was made for men-stealers," and places men-stealers among the worst 
and most abominable of all wicked men, it is very near to downright infidelity 
to say either that the JJible sanctions or tliat it does not directly condemn and 
interdict Slavery. In too many directions around us, these liorrible positions 
su'e taken, while in too many others, the Word of the Lord ;igainst op})rission is 
made less controllingaud authoritative, than the demands of sectarianism. So, 
it seems to my humble vision, our American churches have indulged an "evil ' 
heart of unbelief in departing from tlu' living Ood." 

The neglecting the cause of the poor and needy, who have Jehovah for tlieir 
especial Guardian, cannot be done without involving with it other transgres- 
sions of a most alarming, becatise of a most aggravating character. So to do, 
is to act most unlike God, most uidike Him. who being "the express image of 
the Father's glory," " went about doing good," and who demands of us, that 
we should inthis", as well as in every tiling else, follow Him. If, however, it 
is in our heart to neglect, overlook, disregard, much more to oppose, this part 
of His life and teaching; if, unlike Him, we can suffer the sick and tin' impris- 
oned, or any otlier class of the unfortunate and suffering, to ajjpeal to us in 
vain for sympathy, prayer, effort for their relief; then is our religion /w/jrfo- 
mentallij corrupt, as much so as was that of ancient Scribes and i'liarisees, 
and its corruption Hows from the source whence that originated. "I'ure reli- 
gion, and undefiled before God and the Father, is this: to visit the J'athi rkss and 
the widoios iii tiikir .akki-ktion-, and to keep himself unspotted from the world." 
Now, the neglecting of the "fatherless and the widows in their affliction,'" is 
the opposite to "pure and undefiled religion," and it is without the power of 
" keeping himself unsj)otted from the world." I grieve to say it, but tlie truth 
must be plainly sj)okeii. sucli seems to be tlic state of the church in the present 
day. She has refused to be wliat the Corinthian church was, a laborer together 
with Hod on this great subject, and iis there is no medium ground betwixt the 
two; that very refusing makes her the co-worker of Satan. " He that h not 
for me, is against me, and he that iiathereth not with me scattereth abroad," 
saith He who will judge us all in the final day, by that simplest and most 
searching of all criteria, " Inasmuch as ye did it or did it not to tlirse least." 
the hungry, thir.-ty, naked, sick and imprisoned. 

It is not strange, then, that sectarianism, respect of persons, pride and avar- 
ice, should be more dominant in tlie church, than are their opposites. These 
are but the legitimate fruits of our neglect of the "two great commandments" 
upon which " iiang all the law and the jirophets; " commandments, obedience 
to which is indispensabh; to the inlieriting of eternal life, a.s the Savior taught. 

"The course to be pursued to deliver the churches frow the terrible stain 
wliich slavery has inflicted upon them," is to seek to bring them back again to 
<Tod. It pleases (iod " to save by the foolishness of jneaching." This must 
be the means to reclaim " our American Israel." Salvation is in no other 
name than the name of Jesus. He. and He only, is the Savior of His people 
from their sins. Let the truth home to their hearts, plainly, kindly, persever-" 
ingly, " whether they shall hear or forbear to hear." and trust " Him who giv- 
eth the early and the latt«r rain," for the results. Speak out, in your resolu- 
tions and your address, against tlie crying aboiuinalions of that institution. 



[68] 



"truth," as Isaiah did, as Jesus did, and God's pledge is, that the " word shall 
not return to Him void." 

I cannot but hope and pray, that great and good results will flow from your 
Convention. God is always pleased with our efforts to draw nearer to Him. 
and to reclaim our wandering brethren. May His smiles attend you, and His 
Spirit guide you. ' 

In Christian bonds, your obedient servant, 

SAM. R. WARD. 



From the Rev. J. B. Walker and others, Chicago, III. 

Chicaco, April 2nd, 1850. 

Brethren: Your note of invitation was received on Saturday. I shall be 
happy to attend your committee of consultation on the nth, if I can possi- 
bly arrange my affairs so that I can leave so soon. 

I shall heartily co-operate with you in the objects of the convention. 
During the last three years, I have maintained my connection with organi- 
zations tolerating or fostering slavery, only in. the liope that there was sin- 
cere intention to expel the evil so soon as it could be accomplished by rea- 
sonable and rigliteous means. The last meetings of the General Assembly 
[N. S.] and the American Board, have convinced me that such intention does 
not exist in the governing influences in those organizations. I committed 
myself to the doctrine contained in the enclosed resolutions three years ago. 
The Churches of the north-west have taken very generally the same posi- 
tion. The convention comes just in time to give us the counsel of Christian 
brethren in relation to just those questions of duty which are now pressing 
themselves upon our attention. 

We have had a meeting in this city, at which we adopted the printed 
resolutions which I enclose. We send them to the Churches in this region 
in order to keep them firm, and prepare them to hear the voice of the Con- 
vention when it shall speak. 

The resolutions contain my views of the principal question of duty. I in- 
troduced resolutions of the same kind into the Western Convention of Pres- 
byterians and Congregationalists, held in this city two years since. Dr. 
Green, of the American Board, approved the sentiment at that time. 

Fraternally, J. B. WALKER. 

"Call for a Christian And- Slavery/ Convention at Cincinnati, to be held 

on the fourth Wednesday in April. 

A meeting of friends to the above call took place on the 22d inst., in the 
lecture room of the First Presbyterian Church in this city, for the purpose 
of electing delegates to attend the above named Convention, and to draft 
resolutions expressive of their sympathy with the cause. 

Philo Carpenter, Esq., in the chair, and Samuel Brooks, Secretary. 

Rev. J. B. Walker, a Committee appointed for the purpose, reported the 
following preamble and resolutions, which were, on motion of S. Brooks, 
seconded by Rev. L. H. Loss, unanimously adopted : 

Whereas, Having seen witli deep solicitude and regret, a disposition in 
some of the Judicatories and Boards of our Churches, to recede, instead of 
advance, from the position taken by them in years past ; and that in order 
to carry forward the benevolent reforms, in which God has called his people 
of tliis'age to engage, against the open and covert opposition which all ef- 
forts to expel sin from the world and the church will meet, vigilant, con- 
certed and prayerful effort is necessary — therefore — 

1. Resolved, That the sacred obligations and sanctions of our holy reli- 
gion, which bind us, as we love Christ and liope for his favor, to labor for 
the enlightenment and moral interests of our fellow men— especially for 
those who are deprived of the Word of God, and of all their natural rights, 
require, that every professed Christian wlio has the principles of gospel 
charity in his heart, should at this crisis arise and stand against the reaction 
which has arisen against Gospel love and civil liberty in the bodies spoken 
of, and which, if successful, would merit the reproach of the world and 
A»ring shame upon the name of our American Churches. 



[CO] 



2. Re soloed, That we heartily respond to tlie call for a Christian Anti- 
Slavery Convention, to be lield in tlie city of Cincinnati, on the fourlli Wed- 
nesday of April ensuing — tliat we will appoint delegates to tlie same, and 
nrge the attendance of Christiafis residing in the North-West, at that Con- 
vention. 

3. Resolved, That we coincide with the views expressed in the call of the 
Convention. 

4. Resolved, That while we rejoice in the progress of free principles in 
connection with the civil institutions of our country, and among the masses 
of the people, yet, there is reason to fear, that slavery, driven from favor, 
in the State, may find apology and peace for its abominations in ecclesias- 
tical judicatories and in the Cliurches of Christ ; and that in view of such 
indications, every Cliristian should maintain firmly the ground assumed in 
the past progress of the Anti-Slavery reform, and continue to advance, trust- 
ing in Christ, to the point where the demon of slavery shall be expelled from 
confidence and communion in our churches. 

5. Resolved, Tliat when the judicatories and Boards of our churches re- 
fuse to apply the laws of Christ's house to those who hold their fellow be- 
ings in bondage ; when their action recognizes those as in good standing 
who voluntarily hold and treat men as property ; when such organizations 
tend rather to prolong, than to destroy, the existence of slavery ; in such 
circumstances, it is the duty of those who support these organizations im- 
mediately to reform them ; and if efforts to reform have proved hopeless, 
duty to Christ, the Divine Reformer, requires that Christians should cease to 
co-operate with those whose measures tend to sustain rather than to remove 
a system, the principles and practices of which, are in direct hostility ta 
that Gospel which we are required to love and propagate in the world. 

The following gentlemen were elected as delegates: 

Rkv. a. M. STEWART, Rkv. J. B. WALKER, 

J. B. UOGGETT, P. THIRBEH, 

S. BROOKS, G. F. FOSTER, 

C. N. HOLDEN, T. B. CARTER, 

J. IMEEKER, Mk. JUSTICE, 

C. DeWOLF, S.M.JONES, 

Dr. BRINKERHOOF, S. HOWE, 



PHILO CARPENTER. 
Chicago, March 26, 18.50. 



Signed, S. BROOKS, Secretary. 



From Hon. Gerrit Smith, Petrrhoro', N. Y. 

Petkrboro', April 4, 1850. 

Gentlemen: On my return home, after an absence of more than three weeks, 
1 find, amoni^ two hundred letters on my table, your own highly esteemed one. 
I am compelled to mak(! my answer to it very brief. 

Necessary attention to my private business will prevent my compliance with 
your kind and urgent invitation. 

God grant that your Convention may be made up of earnest, self-sacrificing 
persons". If it be, "it will siiake American Slavery to its center. 

Suppose your Convention should honestly and lieartily commend to all abo- 
litionists to refrain, 1st. from consuming the products of slave labor — '2d. from 
voting for slaveholders, or for any persons who will vote for slaveholders — 3d. 
from attending upon the ministry of such as are not out-spoken abolitionists — 
4th. from giving a pro-slavery construction to the Federal Constitution — 5tli. 
from admitting that such a matchless abomination as slavery, is capable of 
legalization — suppose it should do tliis — would not such an utterance have 
power, great power, in every part of this thrice guilty land? 

I wish your Convention would call upon abolitionists to supply the lawyers 
of their respective counties with Lysandcr Spooner"s perfectly unanswerable 
Argument on the Unconstitutionality of Slavery. 

In ha?te. your friend. GEHRIT SMITH 



[ 70 ] 

From C. P. Grosvenor, of Central College, N. Y. 

McGranville, N. Y., April 5, 1850. 

Highly respected Brethren: With feelings of deep interest, 1 embrace the 
■earliest opportunity to reply to your letter of 20th March, inviting my at- 
tendance at the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, to be held in Cincinnati. 
on the nth inst. The call for the Convention has deeply affected me. For 
several years it has been my settled conviction that to Christians pre-emi- 
nently belongs the work of relieving this country and the world of the un- 
utterably sinful practice of enslaving and holding in slavery a portion of 
God's children. The call most philosophically reasons, , that "no earthly 
power can destroy this sin, while, as now, it finds countenance and pro- 
tection among the professed people of God." 

Since Divine Providence obviously requires my presence at home, * * * 
permit me to offer a few thoughts on this argument of the call — it being, as 
it appears to me, the argument not only for your Convention, but for awaking 
millions of sleeping professors of Christianity from a criminal stupidity to a 
state of most reasonable anxiety and alarm. For, what other class of men 
may be expected to move in any case involving a question of moral reforma- 
tion or the removal of a moral evil, in advance of Christians? Unregen- 
erated men read in the scriptures, and hear it asserted from the pulpit, that 
Christians "are the Light of the world :" and, though they are by no means 
predispo.sed to adopt sentiments adverse to the carnal mind, which cannot 
be subject to the law of God, when announced by the preacher and sus- 
tained by the pious, they are predisposed to second whatever of error and 
wrong whicli promises to themselves personally, or their class in general, 
impunity in worldly indulgences and selfish gratifications : — so, an easy, 
yielding, accommodating religion is desired by them, if tliey must tolerate 
any ; and pliable Christians are joyfully acknowledged by them to be the 
best exponents of such a religion, in case any of their neighbors are in- 
clined to make a profession. * * * if these things are so, then, nega- 
tively, professors need only to tacitly connive at a sinful practice, in order 
to be accounted its abettors and made the co-workers and friends of its per- 
petrators : — but, positively, when the open evil-doer observes that practice 
adopted by professors of the Christian religion, and openly defended by them 
as right and authorized by its Divine founder, they feel a two-fold support, 
and joyfully exclaim — "So would we have it ! — such is the religion, and such 
are the professors for us ! !" * * » I will not undertake to show in how 
many ways such countenance is given ; but simply state my belief that in no 
other mode is such support so sinful, or so glaringly and shamefully evinced 
as through those organizations wjiich, being known to the whole world and 
influencing the many, ought to be more pure, and to exhibit more strongly 
the righteousnes.s and benevolence of the Gospel. I mean Missionary So- 
cieties. By tlicse, if their labor is at home, American Slavery is fortified 
and extended on our own soil : — if their labor is abroad, in foreign countries, 
American Slavery is liable to be propagated under the sanction of that 
Christianity they so solemnly and earnestly commend to the Heathen : and 
such slavery as Ileathenism has created is strengthened in those dark lands. 
Suffer me, then, to suggest, that neither does the individual professor, nor 
tlie single Church, giving countenance to slavery, require so cogently the 
concentrated wisdom and pious solicitude of your important Convention, as 
do the organizations 1 have spoken of. Love should, indeed, and, 1 cannot 
doubt, will prompt every sentiment you may utter, and control every act 
you may do: but the simple feeling of kindness fills not the whole circle of 
love. Love to God, and impartial love to mankind, ^\'ill not unnerve your 
arm from dealing the merited blow against a wrong whicli, to pamper one 
portion of the race, reduces to commodities of merchandize, and wields as 
instruments of sinful self-indulgence, another portion of the same race of 
rational immortal beings, equally capable of improvement, and equally sus- 
ceptible of enjoyment and of pain. There is no respect of persons with God : 
why shall there be auv witli those who are followers of God as dear child- 
ren ? 

No member of your honored Convention needs to be told that no other 
moral wrong affords to its perpetrator so numerous, so direct, or so powerful 



[71 ] 

«ioatribu lions to pride, luxury and ease, as slaver)'. Wbile pride fosters the. 
iove of arbitrary power, this power reciprocates tlie favor, by securiiifj for 
pride the means for its own indulgence. Illustrations appropriate iiere. are 
furnished with lavish copiousness, in what is called Patriotism, which is, 
in reality, no other than selfishness nationalized : the worst men may. there- 
fore, be found among the most zealous of Patriots. Nay, what wicked man 
ever yet hated his native land, until "he felt the vindictive halter draw ?" 
Slavery-supporting patriotism is identical in the principles on which it lives, 
and in the feelings from which it springs, and by which it is defended. 

These things being assumed, (for I assume them as either self-evident or 
evinced by facts*nown to all,) it is inferable, that both Northern and South- 
ern defenders of slavery are alike, if not equally guilty of sin ; and that, 
therefore, Northern Christian professors, who give it their countenance, as 
certainly sustain it, as do those who live at the South and are holders of 
slaves. Another inference seems no less logical — viz: that Northern Chris- 
tians may not, in duty, owe it to their fellow professors, who do give the evil 
any species or measure of support, to have no fellowship with slaveholders 
in the wrong, but to rebuke the sin with all affection and boldness. Hut we 
have here to take notice of the humiliating and alarming fact, that a vast 
majority of nominal Christians embodied in the Churches, of nearly every 
name, at the North, do not rebuke the sin, but do, practically, give it their 
countenance. Next to missionary organizations, on the score of injurious 
influence, may, perhaps, be reckoned the Literary institutions of America. 
In them are generally educated the laborers in the missionary field. These 
jttstitutions ought, then, to be free from moral impurity: but how they have 
■treated the colored man you are fully apprised. It might seem invidious, if 
\ were to attempt to fasten the charge of corruption on the Colleges and 
Theological Seminaries, and I, therefore, submit this matter to your candid 
judgment, without offering any testimony. 

May I not, however, without incurring the imputation of arrogance, invite 
your attention to the fact that, in the New York Central College, are as- 
sembled, on terms of perfect equality, representatives of three classes of the 
human family ? — I mean the African, Indian, and Anglo-Saxon. The dis- 
tinctive terms "colored, red, white," are not used by us, they having be- 
come obsolete. The experiment is a triumphant proof that Christian love 
and impartiality are able to dispel all unworthy prejudices, though they may 
have been fostered by slavery, their immediate parent, for many ages. If 
you could inspect our recitation-rooms and chapel, and the studios of the 
pupils, and sit down at the tables of our Boarding-hall, you would both see 
and feel the truth of this representation. We ask you to pray for the insti- 
tution and to give it your favor, so far as it is meritorious. * » * With- 
out encroaching further upon your time, and invoking upon the Convention 
theblessineof Him vou serve and delight to honor, I am vour liumble fellow- 
laborer, " ' CYRLS V. CROSVHNOR. 



From Elder Nullil. Colver, Boston, Mass. 

2 Province Coiiit, Bostox, April 6, 1850. 

Dear Brethren: Your kind letter of invitation to attend the Cnristian Anti- 
Slavery Convention was duly received. It would give mo great pleasure to be 
present Avith you. The object for which that meeting is called, — the removal 
of the reproaches now heaped upon the church, and her duty to crushed and 
bleeding humanity, — will, I am quite sure, bring together a company of chris- 
tian brethren, with whom I should love to associate, and beget discussions in 
which I should love to participate. But the great distance to travel, and my 
pressing labors at home, will deprive me of that pleasure. 

With my kindest sympathies and Inmible prayers that the blessing of the 
Gou of the oppressed, of justice, and of grace, may rest upon all your delib- 
erations, in answer to your request, I submit for tlie consideration of the meet- 
ing, the following sentiment, accompanied by a few brief and hasty remarks, 
and subscribe myself yours, for the oppressed. 

NATH'L COLVER. 



[ -2] 



To the Chairman of the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, to be held in Cinciyi- 
nati, April 17, 1850. 

Dear Sir: Prevented as I am by the Providence of God from being person- 
ally present at your interesting convocation, will you allow me, through you, 
to present for the consideration, and if concurred in, the adoption of the meet- 
ing, the following sentiment, and to accompany the same with a few remarks: . 

Resolved, that any man who holds slaves,"or is a defender of American 
slavery, is not entitled to the name of a disciple of Christ, or to a place in the 
church of God; and that whatever cliurcli, or body of men claiming to be such, 
shall tolerate such connexion, or such assumption of the name of Christ, they 
do thereby compromise the honor of Christ, and the glory aii^ efficiency of his 
Church, by affording shelter and sanction to a sin unsurpassed in the obvious- 
ness of its character, or in the atrocity of its guilt; and that, therefore, the honor 
of Christ, and the cause of our holy religion, demand that all such individuals 
and bodies of men, should be held, as tlie ancient leper was held, "apart from 
the camp of Israel," until cleansed of this more certain leprosy of the soul. 

Let us (Consider a moment what is implied in the saying of our Lord, " ye 
are the light of the world." Does lie mean any thing less than that the moral 
light which the world needs is to be seen in the church, and to shine out 
from them to the enlightenment of the world? If tliis be the meaning, then 
nothing should be tolerated in or sanctioned by the church which it is not 
meet the world should copy after. Commissioned of her Lord to enlighten 
and purify the world, and to fill it with righteousness and peace, the standard 
of her faith, sustained by her discipline, must make no compromise with sin. 
She must lend the sanction of her fellowship to no system of outrage and 
wrong. No doers of violence to the rights of men must find a home in her 
bosom or countenance in her smiles. Her Lord will not consent to be the 
" minister of sin." If the standard of her morals be made to conform to the 
standard and maxims of the world's morality, then will she be powerless in 
her mission. Above the standard of her own morality she can never expect to 
raise the world. 

If it be admitted that slavery is an immorality — an outrage upon the rights 
of our common nature; if it be a violation of that law which declares, "thou 
shalt love thy neigbor as thyself;" if sucli be slavery, then is fully sustained 
the truthfulness of the resolution which I liave otfered. And it sliould meet a 
cordial response from the heart of every disciple of Christ, and from every 
church Avhich claims allegiance to him as King. This result is so obvious as 
to be admitted by the most able advocates of slavery. " If slavery be sin," 
says Dr. Fuller, in his discussion with Wayland, " it should find no shelter in 
the cliurch of God; it should be put away, at wliatever cost." (I quote from 
memory.) 

That slavery is a sin, I need not now stop to argue. The law of God com- 
manding us to love our neighbor as ourselves, proclaims it such. The law de- 
manding the life of the mau-stealer, proclaims it such. The conscience of the 
civilized world cries out against it as such, and the mildeAV and blight upon 
the minds and morals both of the victim and the oppressor, wherever it pre- 
vails, ])roclaim it such. And if tliere yet remains a doubt, I will appeal to the 
slaveliolder liimself, and ho shall confess it such. What man among them 
would not sooner, far sooner, see his son, his daughter, his wife, or liis mother, 
bound in the fetters of death than in the bonds of slavery? The glosses by which 
his pride of race, or his selfislmess seeks to hide its guilt from tlie sight of his 
fellow-men, do dot prevent tliem from perceiving its inherent atrocity of char- 
acter, much less will tliey hide it from the eye of that God before whom these 
distinctions vanish, and all stand upon a level. 

And yet, with all its self-evident abominations in the eye of God and human- 
ity, it is cherislied in all tlie churches of all denominations of the South to a 
greater or less extent. Their most able ministers are its strongest advocates. 
By them the Bible is pro.stituted to its hateful defence. Witli them it is no ob- 
jection to one in the sacred ministry that he holds slaves, and treats his fellow 
disciples, " who have skins not colored like his own," like the brutes that 
perish, — that he reckons their value in dollars and cents, — that he exposes 
them to more than the liabilities of other chattels. For while he holds them 
as slaves, they are liable to be attached and sold at vendue, — to the disruption 
of all domestic and God-sanctioned ties, and to be prostituted to sucli uses as 
the lustful or wrathful caprices of an unselected purchaser may doom them.. 



[ 73 1 

Whatever personal exceptions there may be, on all the cluirche.s of all denom- 
inations of professed christians at the isouth is Ihis liateful plague spot to be 
seen. The plague of this " fritting leprosy" is upon them. 

Now is it not obvious, if the churclies of the Nortli would be clean from 
this sin, that they must hold all sucli churclies, ministers and men, apart from 
them as unclean until thev shall themselves put away this unsurpassed in- 
iquity? For their cure God does not hold us responsible; but to keep our- 
selves unspotted from their ini(iuity, he does hold us responsible. If they be 
received among us, as the worthy disciples of Christ; if they be made welcome 
to our communion tables antl to our desks, it will be understood by the world 
as an endorsement of their iniquity. T/icir leprosy will delile us; (heir reproach 
will cleave to us; our own sincerity will be questioned, or tlie religion which 
we profess will be denounced as a system of lieartless superstition and injus- 
tice. We may eoniplaiii of injustice when this cry is raised against us, but our 
want of tidi'lity to the King in Ziou raises the cry. Our holy religion and our 
names may hv bhis])liemed, and blasphemers may have tluur own guilt, but 
chiefly at the door of the church will the blame rest, if tliis manifest, tliis iiated 
iniquity be cherished within, and tlie doers and abetors of it hv held in our 
fraternal embrace. In the siglit of God we .shall be responsible for their infi- 
delity. We Iiave assumed to be the liglit of the world, and have called their 
attention to the pure sliiniiig of our holy religion. They look, but to their 
astouislimeiit they beliold darkness. Instead of righteousness and peace, they 
behold iniquity sanctioned there, at which unchristiaiiized humanity lifts up 
its hands witlThorror. With such an exhibition before them, why should they 
not be infidelsV Fully do I believe it will ever be found that just in propor- 
tion as any church has identified itself with this sin, its influence for good has 
been prostrated. Wliatever men may say, there are none so blind as not to 
perceive the inherent sinfulness of slavery. And wliilo men of the world wlio 
are involved in it are pleased to be sheltered under the approbation of tlie 
church, they themselves are not insensible to the hypocrisy and injustice of 
such a coiic(!Ssion in their favor, and inwardly despise such accommodating 
Christianity. And men of tlie world, not involved in that particular sin, are 
glad to find an occasion of just reproach upon a religion and cliurch whose 
rebukes they feel and resent in otlier respects. Both these classes of irreligious 
men will have their sin to answer for in tlie day of judgment; but that profes- 
sor, or that church, who by such connivance at sin ati'ords such an occasion of 
reproach, will at last find "the greater sin lying at their door. 

Novf, in view of all these facts, it is quite obvious, that to be clear intliis 
matter, the churches of the Nortli must do two things. 

First, thi'ij must dissolve all fraternal connexion with the churches of the South. 
This may seem hard, but nothing short of this can release them from tliat just 
reproach which is bearing down all tiie churches of the South, and fast niakini/ 
them the scorn, a. hy-word and a hissing of the civilized world. If the cliurches of 
the South will still cleave to that accur.sed tiling, despite the inward Avorking 
of their owu convictions, despite the appealing throbs of crushed humanity 
around them, desj)ife the entreaties of their brethren, and despite the warn- 
ings of their God; if their altars and their ministry must be kept reeking with 
the blood of slavery's victims, and steeped in those i)ollutions which are in- 
separable from slavery, then on them rest the responsibility of so painful a 
step. It will be theirs to reflect upon the fact tliat they themselves liave 
driven the churches of the North to this unchosen and too patiently delayed 
alternative. 

Secondly, the churches of the Nortli must collectively and individually keep 
their testimony so distinct and unequivocal against the sin of slavery, as not 
to be mistaken or misinterpreted on the subject. Such a testimony is demanded 
by their past fraternal connexion with the Southern churches. 

Such a testimony is also demanded by a natural tendency in the world to hold 
churches in one part of the country re.«ponsible for wliat may be tolerated in 
cliurches of the saiiKs faith and order in any other part of the world. Tlie 
Northern cliurches, in the world's estimation, will inevitably be involved in 
the sin of Southern churches unless released on their own distinct disclaimer, 
without which the world will not discriminate. 

Such a disclaimer and testimony they are in faithfulness to Southern pro- 
lessors of religion, and especially to the dumb and friendless and helpless 
victims of that system which has its strong-hold, its life and being, mainly in 



[ 74 ] 

the time-serving Christianity of the South. And finally, they owe it to that 
high commission received from their Lord of unceasing aggression upon the 
works of darkness and sin, until the earth is filled with righteousness and 



These two things accomplished, the Churches of the North will be clear in 
this matter. Short of this, they will not be clear. To reach this accomplish- 
ment may " cost" much, — to falter in the effort is to consent to the defilement 
of the Temple of God, and to incur his frown, a terror more to be dreaded 
than the rage of oppressors. But what Christian shall shrink a moment at 
the cost? The smiles of the God of the oppressed and the ultimate sympathy 
of all the good, shall more, a thousand times more than compensate for all the 
sacrifices which fidelity to the gospel of Christ may have demanded. 

Well may I lay my all 

Upon thine altar, Lord. 
The sacrifice, however great, 

My soul can well afford. 

Let rae but call thee mine, 

And in thy favor share, 
I'll part with all; my life hself 

Shall not be held too dear. 



From Mr. A. L. Post, Montroze, Pa. 

MoNTRozE, Pa., April 11, 1850. 

Gentlemen : Your letter, soliciting my presence in the Christian Anti- 
Slavery Convention, to be held in your city on the 17th of the present month, 
and participancy in the deliberations of that meeting, has been received. I 
was not insensible of the honor of being thought of, in connection with the 
objects of such a convention, and immediately resolved, should circum- 
stances in the Providence of God permit, I would enjoy the feast to which 
you invited me. I have strong desires to be with you on that occasion, and 
yet circumstances seem clearly to forbid. Having been for weeks connected 
with a powerful revival of religion in this place, I have neglected all prepa- 
ration for such a trip, until it is entirely too late to think of taking it, and 
almost to write. This line I fear will not reach you before the close of the 
convention. Had I time I should write, as the committee request, my views 
of the position of the cliurches, and the proper course the convention should 
take to meet the evils growing out of their connection with slavery ; but I 
have not. I regret it. I will only say that I deem the 4th item in the call 
for the convention, to be of vast importance. The question involved is of 
"grave import." I do not see how it can be answered, otherwise than af- 
firmatively, even if it should result in cutting us off from Church and State. 
I speak of this particularly, because I think it the important suggestion. I 
agree with the sentiments of the call, and would be glad to be present at a 
thorough discussion of them, as you will doubtless have in the convention. 

* * * You have my prayers that God may bless the members of the 
convention and direct them in their deliberations and actions, so as to honor 
Him, and promote the best interests of the slave. 

Yours, &c., A. L. POST. 



From Rep. Henry Covles, of Oberlin College. 

Oderlix, April 11, 1850. 

Dear Brethren: My heart rejoices exceedingly in the prospect of a full 
and strong-hearted gathering of Christian men, on the 17th inst., to consult 
on the duty of Christians in respect to slavery. May their action and their 
testimony be such as the God of the oppressed will approve. 

It would give me very great pleasure to be with you ; but sickness in ray 
family, and special business of great public importance, and of critical in- 
terest in this place, forbid me this pleasure. Thus detained, 1 take the 
liberty of substituting in place of personal attendance, a few suggestions, 
which may or may not be used publicly. 

1. The general sentiment of the age, uttered by both good men and bad 
men, is affirming, with growing unanimity and power, that American Slave- 
nj is a sin ; — not only a social and political evil, but a sin. 



[vr. ] 



2. If American Churches deny this doctrine scripturally, or ignore tliis sin 
ecclesiastically and fellowship it fraternally, they cannot thereby shield the 
system or its abettors ; but will only paralyze their own moral power and 
forfeit the respect of the age. 

3. One of the greatest practical questions of the times is, doubtless, this : 
will our professed Christianity take and maintain its position in the front 
ranks of all real reform '? Will she confirm her credentials by evincing that 
her heart is true to the highest irood of man, and that, through her agency, 
"the gospel is preaciied to the poor ■'" 

4. The position of the N. S. General Assembly, embracing two main 
points, viz : (J.) that we deem American Slavery sinful, and those who act 
under the system or abet it, sinners ; and (2.) that we are not aware of any 
such sin within our bounds, is open to most serious objections ; it being the 
position of an enlightened conscience, admitting the demerit, hut blinding 
itself to the fact of sin. Oufrht not the N. S. Assembly to know that this 
sin is avowedly tolerated within its bounds? Can any position be morally 
more perilous than that of being "willingly ignorant" of the presence of 
what is known and admitted to be sin ? 

5. Hut this protesting against American Slavery is invested, it is said, with 
great difficulties. So is resistance against any form of sin. Is it urged that 
this sin is "organic" and not individual ? It is 7wt, in such a sense, organic 
that it cannot attach to every individual slave-holder, slave-trader, or slave 
law-maker. No matter how many "hands join in hands," the wicked shall 
never, before God, go unpunished. 

Is it urged that our testimony against all slaveholding infringes upon Chris- 
tian charity and does injustice to the many good Christian brethren who 
liold slaves ? We answer — those brethren, however ostensibly good, should 
he rebuked. If they are really good, they will receive the rebuke both kind- 
ly and thankfully. ♦ 

Again, the degree of subjective sin involved in slaveholding turns before 
God, on the amount of light sinned against. Of this, we cannot and would 
not judge. But, assured of the objective sin of slaveholding, we may not 
forbear to "rebuke our brother" — we must not "sutler sin upon him." 

Again, when the claims of tenderness and Cliristian charity go the length 
of a])ologizing for iniquity and throwing a cloak over objective sin, the coun- 
ter claims of righteousness, purity, reform, fidelity to professed brethren and 
fidelity to our common Lord, must be deemed paramount. To sacrifice the 
latter to the former, is to paralyze all discipline and prostitute all true piety. 

I close with barely suggesting the hope tliat these and similar principles 
will be carefully considered by the brethren convened in youi city, and if 
deemed truthful, will modify both our ecclesiastical relations and our moral ^ 
position as developed in our benevolent socictit's. 

For a pure gospel, vours, fraternally, 

HENRY COWLKS. 



From Rev. S. S- Jocehjn, of New Ynrk. 

New Vokk, April 13, 1^50. 

Gentlemen : Your circular ftnd letter inviting me to attend the C^onvention to 
assemble on the 17th inst., was duly received. The object is one which deeply 
interests my mind. It is truly Christian, and no doubt dear to the great Re- 
deemer. Why not to all that profess to be purchased with his blood? 

It would atibrd me great plea;sure were it in my power to be present with you 
all, and share with you the duties and responsibilities of the Convention accord- 
ing to the measure of grace and wisdom which I might receive from the Great 
Head of the Church and God of the oppressed. I uavc been necessarily absent 
most of this month at the East, and returning this morning find a notice of our 
Committee (American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.) appointing me a 
delegate with Judge Jay and Prof. Whipple to attend your Convention, but I 
am in consequence of other duties utterly unable to meet the appointment or 
your kind invitation. 

I regret also that I cannot in season give you any views which I have in 
form on the subjects involved, as requeatea in your letter, for want of the 
necessary time. I cannot, however, refrain from expressing my hope that your 



[ '« ] 

deliberations will result in action suited to the exigency of the times, for the 
purity of the Church and the deliverance of the slave. 

One of the ways to accomplish so great good, is (next to faithful preaching 
of the word of God,) to admonihh those brethren, churches, ecclesiastical or 
benevolent institutions, who sustain directly or indirectly, the sins of slavery 
and caste. If, after admonition, rebuke and entreaty, impenitence still re- 
mains, where direct acts of discipline in a more emphatic manner are within 
the province of the churches, faithfulness to the souls of such requires such 
action, and even excommunication may be required if possible to deliver them 
from the snare and to bring them to repentance. 

Where we have no such duty arising from the want of jurisdiction, it be- 
comes the duty of Christian Cliurches to cease, after appropriate labor, and if 
unavailing, to hold such relaiions as imply fellowship as with those walking in 
gospel order, — to protest, withdraw and cease such intercourse as implies ap- 
probation or a sense of safety to either party. There can be no safety to 
either if holiness is not " followed" and if sin is not cliastised. 

The principle above stated you can adapt to many cases not necessarily 
named now. You have some of you at least acted upon it in various circum- 
stances. When in each case we shall have done all that is required by personal 
labor with parties, or in the several connections sustained by us, before entire 
separation, must be judged of by each in view of the intelligence and spirit of 
those who are engaged in slaveholding, apologize for the sin or treat with cruel 
neglect or contempt in Church or State their colored brethren. The Conven- 
tion will no doubt adopt some principles, and to decide what in their judgment 
will be the Christian modes of action in various cases. 

It requires great firmness for small minorities to protest against sin in the 
churches, and it may be that some have separated from churches retaining 
slavery before tliey had fully discharged their duty to their brethren. It is 
also true that more liave remained in such churches, and failing to carry out 
their convictions to their brethren, have at length hardened their own hearts 
by n?glect, and are worse than lost to the cause of humanity and a pure 
Christianity. I have looked with great interest to the results of this year on 
the cause of freedom and a pure Christianity. How deeply we ought to de- 
plore the fact that so many of our members need provoking to love and to good 
Avorks, and how earnestly we should seek the Spirit of God to aid us in this 
great cause and in all the duties of life! 

Very few seem to have a just sense of the ordeal the Churcli is passing through, 
and each member, from present political struggles and doctrines, in regard to 
constitutional obligations asserted by statesmen and otliers in high places. 
The atheistic sentiment of obligation to aid in the recoverj' of fugitive slaves 
will take with some (I hope few) professing Christians in the free States, and 
formalists will join in the worship of the leaders who have lost their humanity 
and would brutalize the whole country by the extension of slavery, and the 
endorsement of the most anti-christian and Satanic doctrines ever promulgated 
in any country. See tliat you give warning to all Christian professors of the 
true trial of faith in this day of our political and Christian history. May you 
be aided from on high in all your deliberations and acts, and willi such wis- 
dom and sucli a spirit that none can resist the truth and the power of your 
expressed and determined convictions. 

Witli love and hope for the clnirch and the slave, I am truly yours, 

SIMEON S. JOUELYN. 



From Geo. Fisher, of Clermont Co., Ohio. 

West Woodville, Clermont Co., Ohio, April 13, 1850. 
Gentlemen: Your notice for the call of the Anti-Slavery Convention, has 
been received. I would be pleased to attend the Convention, but my health 
will not permit. I hope that much good will result from the deliberations 
of the Convention, and that many may be lead to believe that slavery should 
be condemned by all good citizens. In my opinion, the Convention should 
appoint a committee to call the attention of the State Convention, that 
meets in May, to revise our Constitution, to the wrongs of slavery, and to 
insist on justice being extended alike to all. 

Yours, very respectfully, GEO. FISHER. 



[77 ] 



From Lewis Woodson, Pittsburgh, Pi. 

Pittsburgh, April 15, 1850. 

Gentlemen: Your note of tlie 15th ult., inviting me to attend the Chris- 
tian Anti Slavery Convention, in Cincinnati, on the 17th inst., came duly 
to hand, and it would give me much pleasure to comply with your invita- 
tion, but circumstances will not admit of it. 

The object of your Convention is a good one, and the time at which it is 
lo be held most opportune. 

That slavery should exist in the Church, is a most intolerable abuse. No 
two institutions could be more unlike each other than Slavery and Chris- 
tianity. View them in any light we may, tiiey are a perfect contrast. 
There is not a virtue, not a grace in Christianity, whose opposite may not 
be found in Slavery. How, then, can they be made to maintain a consonant 
and co-equal existence ? The thing is self-evidcntly absurd. 

A Christumity without humanity, without benevolence, without mercy, 
without justice, is no Cliristianity at all. It is a libel upon the character of 
true Christianity and the examples and teachings of its Divine Author. 
His life was spent in doing good to the bodies, as well as the souls of men ; 
in rendering them h(tpi>ij on earth, as well as preparing them for lieaven. 
* * * The great Author of Christianity never intended that slavery * * 
should become a part and parcel ol it. The example which he set, the pre- 
cepts which he uttered, the ureat pri.ncipi.ks which he laid down, show that 
this was not his intention. On the contrary, if they were reduced to prac- 
tice and fully carried out, they would exiirpate slavery from the earth. 

The removal of slavery from the Church, is the appropriate M'ork of Chris- 
tian men. Infidels cannot do it. Their meddling with the vices of the 
Church, has a tendency to make her cling to them. 

The time of the Convention, as I have said, is most opportune. Tlie na- 
tion is agitated. Light is called for, and it is the duty of the Church to give 
it. God has made his Church the light of the world, — the salt of the earth. 
It is the source of knowledge on all questions of morals and piety : and when 
men would know what they should believe and practice in reference to their 
present and eternal happiness, they should enquire of the Church. In the 
Church is deposited that moral salt which is to save the world from moral 
putrefaction ; but if this salt lose its savor, how then can the world be 
saved ? 

It is a principle in natural things, that the value and efiicacy of every ar- 
ticle is in proportion to its purity. Hence, the purer the Church is, the more 
valuable and efficacious she will be in promoting the happiness and salva- 
tion of the world. 

The purification of the Church I have long desired to see ; for I know 
that the day in which it is cast out of the Church, is the day of its destruc- 
tion. 

That God may preside over the deliberations of your Convention, and con- 
duct to the best of conclusions, is ray most humble and devout prayer. 

LEWIS WOODSON. 



From Hon. J. C. Honihlowrr, Chief .Justice of New Jcrneij. 

Newark, N. J., April 17, 18')(). 

Gentlemen : The circular, calling a Christian Ami Slavery meeting, or C'onven- 
Lion, at Cinciiinali, with your note addressed to me, appended to it, was received by 
me in due course of nuiil, and would have been responded to long ere this, hut for 
circumstances not under my control. Necessary absence from home during part of 
the time, and a somewliat severe illness for several days, have prevented my writing 
to you till this time: and now I fear it is too late for this letter to reach you before 
the meeting of the Convention. Fully sympathizing in the general sentiments and 
feelings expressed in the circular, it rejoiced my heart to learn by it that the crying 
sin of^slavery in the Church of Christ was beginning to arrest the attention of indi- 
vidual ministers and private Christians of diderent evangelical denominations : for, 
from what I have read and experienced, I have long since despaired of any manly, 
honest, decisive and useful action on the subject by any of our general conventions, 
assemblies, or other organized ecclesiastical bodies. 

In speaking of the connection of slavery with the Church of Christ, we have no- 
'thing to do with the "compromises'" of our national and political constitution. Thanks 



[78] 



be to the Great Head of the Church, in this country, it is a free and independent 
Church. The government may tolerate, extend, foster, legalize and perpetuate slave- 
ry, with all its woes, as a secular or political institution ; but it cannot impose it on 
the Church, nor compel lier to admit slaveholders to her membership or communion. 
We, therefore, as Christian Churches, are without all excuse for tolerating slavery 
within her sacred pales. 

1 should be very happy to meet with and mingle in the deliberations of the proposed 
Convention ; but my advanced age, the great distance and other circumstances, forbid. 
You say something in your note of my addressing a letter, (in case of my non-at- 
tendance,) which 1 would be willing to have published. Now my dear sir, 1 have not 
had time to write such a letter. Even when I have time for deliberation, such is my 
hatred of slavery, in all its forms and effects, and such the strength of my convictions 
of its utter inconsistency with eidightened and sanctitied Church membership, that I 
hardly dare trust myself to speak or write on the subject. Suffice it, then, to say, and 
so far 1 am willing it should be known, as far as my humble name has ever been 
heard or lisped in this country, that I am with you and your friends on this subject, in 
heart and feeling: yes, if I live, 1 will, in spirit and in prayer, be present at \our 
Convention, and may the Great Head of the Church preside over your deliberations 
and conduct you to blessed results. 

Very respectfully, Rev'd. Sir, your friend and servant. 

JOS. C. HORN BLOWER. 

From the Rev. Samuel Aaron, Norristotcn, Pa. 

NoRRisTOWN, Pa., April 19, IS.W. 

Gentlemen : I received from you a letter some weeks since, urging me to attend 
the Convention to be held in Cincinnati, on the 17th inst. This is out of my po\yer. 
You also requested my views of the measures proper to be taken by the Convention. 
For such advice I have felt myself incompetent ; especially unable to suggest any im- 
provement upon the ideas sketched in the circular you sent me. * * * I can sec 
at present no improvement in the organic action of the various religious denomina- 
tions, and 1 strongly apprehend that an extensive secession from them on the part of 
their conscience-enlightened and scrupulous members will ere long be found indispen- 
sable. Secession is always attended with much misunderstanding among noniinal 
brethren ; much sacrifice of property and peace, that is "quiet," on the part of the 
seceders; but, "come out of her, my people, and be ye separate, saith the Lord," is 
surely intended to encourage God's children in leaving corrupt organizations. And 
his repeatedly trying of them in the fire to work off the dross, is emblematic of seces- 
sion. A bad religious organism, is perhaps better than none at all ; the superstition 
that leads men to apprehend accountability, is better than downright atheism ; but 
every religious tree, even that planted by our Divine Savior, has needed that its best 
fruits should be plucked and planted in a new soil, that the liveliest branches should 
be grafted into a new stock. If the figure is good for nothing, the fact is true, that the 
best Christians of all time have been a little liock, selected by God's discipline from 
the mass, and moving on with some tribulation towards His final rest. *■ * * ■■ 

I solemnly believe that if the main body of professed Christians and Clergy con- 
tinue, as now, to justify slavery, it must become the imperative duty of anti-slavery 
Christians to leave them and declare non-fellowship. Why cast off' the severely 
tempted slave-holder and take to our bosom their gratuitous apologists? 

Yours, &.C., SAMUEL AARON. 

From the Orleajis County, {N. F,) Anti-Slavcnj Society. 

At a meeting of the Orleans Comity Anti-Slavery Society, held at Eagie Harbor. 
N. Y., on the lOtli inst., it was resolved that the followmg address be forwarded to 
your Convention, which is to assemble in Cincinnati on the 17th inst. 

SAMUEL SALISBURY, Chainna7i. 

Amos S. Samsok, Secretary. 

Bear Brethren : Your call for a Christian Convention is before us, and we, your 
brethren, heartily sympathize and concur with you in the reasons set forth in the paid 
call. We are not ignorant that the laws sustain the system of slaveholding and itP 
supposed interests. I'he love of idleness, power, and the base passions f^ngendered 
by it, ail contribute to its support. Yet after all, we believe that the most effectual 
support it receives, and the most direct interference with all attempts at reformation, 
is the quietus given to the conscience in th(! toleration the system receives from the 
American Churches. To this cause we attribute the fact why the literary and reli- 
gious publications of the day are mutilated and made to succumb to the dictation of 
the slaveholders. The Sabbath School Union, at the suggestion of a southern Vice 
President, erased from their catalogue a stereotyped book of sixteen years standing, 
entitled "Jacob and his Sons," because it contained a definition of American Slavery- 



[ 79 ] 



The Tract Society, (Episcopal Melhodisl, Presbyterian.) the ifarpers and other pub- 
lishers, have erased sentences and cut wiiolo chapters that dcscribtd slavery irom 
books they were republishing, and refused to jiublish any thing tending to rgbuke 
slaveholding. The oldest and most numerous Missionary Societies are lending their 
support and influence to this abomination. Yet they tell us this is the Gospel that is 
to abolish slavery, and give to the world its Millennium, for the Church demands that 
its removal be left to her control and guidance. The Anti-Slavery enterprise the body 
of the Church derides as superlluous, or denounces as an unlawful and unwarrantable 
interference with her prerogatives. She brands it as infidel, and warns the people to 
beware of it. 

Knowing as we do that the course thus pursued by most of the Churches has a di- 
rect tendency to iude transgression and cover iniiiuity, can we innocently go to the 
commimion, give our support and fellowship to those who do these things ( We think 
we cannot, without lieing partakers of their sins. Is not the act of Christian commu- 
nion with the oppressor, or any one else, an endorsement of his known character ? Is 
not the act of communion with one, saying we take pleasure in his character ? When 
we commune witii Christ, our Head, do we not conmiune with each other also? 
Then, if we personally hold no slaves, yet if we commune with those who do, and 
support and voluntarily unite with an organization that holds slaves, do we not show 
by our acts, that we take pleasure in those that do ? Can Christ take pleasure in any 
who knowingly lives in the practice of imrighteousness ? To ask these questions is 
to answer them. But thanks to our blessed Savior, he has given us instruction on 
this momentous subject, and not left us to grope our way in the dark. First, then, 
an eflbrt must be made to reclaim the wandering brother or organization to which we 
belong, if it has not been done. "Have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of 
darkness, but rather reprove them," more than intimates that fellowship is incompati- 
ble with reproof. 

Secondly, we believe that when a brother or organization has deliberately made up 
his mind and expressed it, to continue in what we know and is acknowledged, by 
most professors, to be a heinous sin in the sight of God, the command is imperative 
on us, "come out from among them my people, that ye be not partakers of their sins, 
and that ye receive not of her plagues." 

Wecaimot set aside this command with impunity, by believing that there are some 
in the Church which we leave, for whom we have charity as Christians ; for we can 
find no authority in God's word, thus to extend our charity and continue in an or- 
ganization, that we know is daily living in the practice of a damning sin, and that, 
too, after sixteen or eighteen years labor to reform them. Much instruction on this 
subject, may be gathered from the history God has given in the Old Testament, in 
relation to our fallen race. "Noah was a just man, and perfect in his generation, and 
Noah walked wilii God, and the earth was filled with violence. And God looked 
upon the eartli and l)iliold it was corrupt, for all tlesh had corrupted his way upon the 
earth. And God said the end of all tlesh is come before me, for the earth is filled with 
violenre, through tiiem, and behold 1 will destroy them with the earth " In the above 
passage, is not wresting from man his rights expressed by the word violence, made 
emphatic by its repetition in which that form of wickedness is singled out to consti- 
tute the reason of God's determination, to cut ofi"the inhabitants of the earth, reserving 
only the family of one who could be characterized as a just man, that regarded the 
equal rights of his neighbor. What were the plagues visited on the Egyptians, but 
an expression of God's everlasting abhorrence of the sin of slaveholding. Again, "the 
God of Heaven, as in mercy to man, caused Momit Sinai to quake, and amid thun- 
derings and lightnings God wrote with his own finger the tables of his law, his eter- 
nal orders for men to obey in all coming ages, which, if obeyed, the crime which 
shook Egypt to its center would never again occur." The prophets, also, have de- 
nouneetl tlK'ir heaviest woes against the oppressor. 

It costs us but little to profess to love and honor God. It brings on us no derision 
or contem[)t. Our relatiohs to our fellow men, place us in very different circum- 
stances. We see them oppressed, crushed, persecuted, and branded with infamy, pre- 
judice may have east them out from the kind regard of their fellow men, thrust down 
to a level of the beasts of the field. Say, brethren, what will you do for these men ? 
Will you embrace them, study their character, condition, and stand up for their de- 
fence at the hazard of having your name cast out as evil, your interests invaded, your 
motives, intentions, and benevolent exertions, held up to scorn and derision '. We 
will. But in doing it, we feel it would be inconsistent to fellowship the oppressor or 
his apologist. 

May God give you wisdom to arrive at such conclusions in your deliberations as 
shall be for His glory and the good of man. 



[ 80 ] 

From Mr. Levns Tappan. 

New York, April 13, 1850. 

Gentlemen: Did not the approaching anniversary of the American and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society require my services here, I should gladly ac- 
cept your invitation to attend the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, to be 
held in Cincinnati, this month. Having been requested, in case of non-at- 
tendance, to communicate my views in v/riting, I will do so ; but circum- 
stances oblige me to do it hastily. 

The fact that out of fifteen gentlemen who signed the Call, twelve were 
clergymen, representing eight different denominations of Christians, and 
Lhat the Call has been responded to, as I learn, by nearly two thousand per- 
sons, living in different parts of the country, is, of itself, sufficient evidence 
that the time has fully arrived when such a Convention should be held. 
Tens of thousands of Christians, in the free States, and a considerable num- 
ber in the slave States, are, I doubt not, anxiously and prayfully considering 
what is their duty, as members of the Church of Christ, with regard to Ameri- 
can Slavery. That the Father of Lights will vouchsafe His presence and il- 
lumination, and lead the Convention to wise and scriptural results, is my 
earnest prayer. 

The Church, at the North, generally believe that Slavery is a social, poli- 
tica , and moral evil ; but they think, as do Northern politicians, that they 
have very little to do with it. "It is a Southern institution," say they, 
"and beyond the expression of individual opinions, we ought not to meddle 
with it." A small part of the Church, at the South, also, have the same 
opinion of slavery, and yet do not attempt much for its removal, while no 
inconsiderable part defend it as a Bible institution. 

Very few, either at the South or North, except professed abolitionists, be- 
lieve that slaveholding is a sin. What are called the abuses of the system, 
they allow is sinful ; but they reject the statement that Slavery is a sniper 
se. Abolitionists, it is presumed, without exception, believe that the abuses 
of Slavery are inseperable from the system ; that if an end should be put to 
these abuses, the system itself would cease. And many intelligent, and 
nominally Christian slaveholders, have acknowledged that Slavery cannot 
be maintained independently of these abuses, though, in such instances, 
tiiey do not call them abuses, but necessary evils. There is no intelligent 
and honest man, it is believed, who has attentively considered the subject, 
but allows that the maintenance of Slavery in this country imperatively re- 
quires the exercise of force to the last extremity, and the prohibition of 
learning to read and write as a general rule, while the separation of families 
and the subjugation of the females in all respects to the wills of the slave- 
holders, are considered unavoidable concomitants. 

When the proof is demanded that slaveholding, under all circumstances, 
is sinful, we need only to refer to Exodus, 21 chap. 16 v : "He that stealeth 
a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be 
put to death," where stealing, selling, and holding a man are put on a level, 
and in each case the penalty was the same — death; and to 1st Tim., 1st 
chap., 9 and 10 verses : "Knowing this that the law is not made for a right- 
eous man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sin- 
ners, for unholy and profane, .... for men stealers." Even the General 
Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, in 1818, when that body was more 
free from party influences than it is at present, solemnly declared Slavery to 
be a sin against God. But now, ministers in that Church, and of other de- 
nominations, abound, who assert that Slavery, in the sense in which the 
term is generally understood, existed in the Old Testament times, and that 
Ohrist and his apostles did not denounce it. 

In reply to such reasoners it may be said — 1. If slaveholding or man-steal- 
ing is forbidden, both in the Old and New Testaments, as has been shown, 
texts that seem to allow it must be construed in accordance with, and not 
in opposition to the clear prohibitions. 2. Hebrew servitude, and servitude 
as it existed in the time of our Savior, were quite different from American 
Slavery. In the time of Moses, the heathen sold their services to the Jews 
for a limited period ; and in the time of Christ, slaves were treated with only 
the same barbarity that their masters were allowed to exercise toward their 



[ 81 



own children, and the enslaved had then many privileges that are denied to 
slaves in modern times. 3. It is quite a different thing for men who profess 
to reverence God, to act in the nineteenth century of the Christian dispen- 
sation as those professing similar regard to the divine Being did 3000 or even 
1800 years ago, either under the Mosaic or Christian dispensations, even if 
it can be proved, as it can not, that in those remote and semi -barbarous ages, 
slavery as known to this age existed. 

Holding Slavery to be a social, political and moral evil, and also a .sin per 
»e, what is our duty in relation to it, as members of Churches, and disciples 
of the Lord Jesus Christ ? Here 1 beg leave to state, as concisely as 1 can, 
some of the duties that in my judgment devolve upon all, and especially 
upon Christian abolitionists, in relation to the gigantic sin of American 
Slavery. And I do this with great deference to my brethren who meet with 
you in council to consider this important subject. 

1. We should have a higli standard of personal holiness. Reprovers, it 
has been said, should have clean hands. Therefore, in our domestic, social, 
business and religious relations, wr ought scrupulously to conform to all the 
requirements of the gospel, and reflect in all our conduct the image of its 
Divine founder. In our tempers, modes of living, diligence in business, and 
moderation in the possession of property, we should be thorough and con- 
sistent Christians. So far as we can, we should promote the overthrow of 
sectarianism in theory and practice, and endeavor to unite all the sincere 
followers of Christ in Church fellowship. 

2. We ought not to continue in Church relations where we cannot have 
freedom of speech and action in regard to the subject of Slavery; where 
slaveholders are allowed to preach or administer the ordinances; where 
delegates are sent to ecclesiastical bodies that forbid freedom of speech and 
action on the subject of Slavery: where members are received, as a matter 
of course, from slaveholding Churches; where certificates are given to mem- 
bers to unite themselves with slaveholding Churches; or where discipline is 
not exercised in relation to slaveholding members, as well as all other moral 
delinquents, on the gospel principle of leading' them to repentance and re- 
formation. 

3. We ought not, 1 conceive, to continue in membership with any reli- 
gious Society, Missionary, Bible, Tract, Temperance or Sunday School As- 
sociation, wiiero freedom of speech and action on the subject of Slavery does 
not exist, and where slaveholding is not viewed as a sinful relation, and in 
all proper ways discountenanced as a social, political, and moral evil. 

4. When Providence casts our lot where we cannot attend a congregation 
which is free from the delinquencies above mentioned, we should, after 
faithful admonition and labor in vain with such Churches, associate with 
Christian brethren nearest to us in maintaining the worship of God, and re- ■ 
ligious instruction in a school-house, or other convenient place, until we are 
able to erect a Church edifice, have regular preaching and the .idministra 
tion of the ordinances of the Gospel. We should also unite with kindred 
minds in Missionary, Bible, Tract, Temperance and Sunday School labors, 
where anti-slavery associations of this character exist. 

5. Neither ought we to continue in any political party that adopts slave- 
holders as candidates for olTice — that sanctions Slavery — that consents that 
the General Government should sanction, uphold or extend it — that does 
not put forth its energies to deliver tlie country from its extension and per- 
petuity — that does not, in every legitimate way, act on the pnnciplu, 
"Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach lu any people." " 

6." Christian abolitionists should exercise the privilege of voting for civil 
rulers and representatives, but give their suffrages only for those who are 
known to be opposed to slavery, root and branch, and who are men of good 
moral character, and qualified to fill the offices for which they are designated. 

7. We should see to it that our children are not instructed by pro-slavery 
teachers, either in the primary, academical, or theological seminaries, and 
that before leaving the parental roof they understand the doctrines of both 
the divine and civil governments in reference to the practical duties of bfe. 

8. We should discourage our children from residing in Slave States for 
literary, professional, mercantile, agri.cultural, or mechanical purposes, and 

6 



[82] 

especially do all we can. to restrain them from forming family or business 
connexions with slaveholders. 

9. Northern merchants should instruct their attorneys on no account to 
take mortgages on slaves as security for debts, or on execution, as many • 
have done, not excepting Christian abolitionists. 

10. Northern Christians should not give money to the American Tract So- 
ciety while it refuses to publish tracts on the sinfulness of American Slave- 
ry, nor to the American Sunday School Union while it drops from its cata- 
logue, in compliance with Southern dictation, books containing definitions 
of American Slavery; nor to the American Home Missionary Society while 
it sustains ministers to preach to slaveholding Churches with lips sealed as 
to the subject of Slavery, and admit slaveholders to Church privileges; nor 
tojthe Seaman's Friend Society so long as it manifests a want of sympathy 
fo northern sailors imprisoned in southern ports merely on account of their 
complexion. 

Such are some of the principles that should, I humbly conceive, guide 
every Christian abolitionist in the land. In a time of degeneracy, like the 
present, when members of Churches are hardly distinguishable in their so- 
cial, political, and business relations, from men who make no profession of 
religion ; when politicians are often in advance of professing Christians in 
regard to political conduct; when ministers of the gospel are ignorant of or 
shrink from the inculcation of Bible truths on the subject of Slavery; when 
Slavery finds a sanctuary in the Church; when important ecclesiastical bo- 
dies treat abolitionism as the worst kind of heresy; when the benevolent 
and religious associations of the country are conducted, as well as the legis- 
lative bodies, under the influence of Slavery, it behooves all who believe in 
the great doctrine of the equality of man, in democratic principles of gov- 
ernment, and m the impartial and holy freedom of the Gospel to maintain 
high and uncompromising principles, and to carry them out, fearlessly and 
coBBistcntly, into daily practice, at all hazards, but with Christian forbear- 
ance and meekness. 

With Christian regard, I remain yours respectfully, 

LEWIS TAPPAN. 



From Arnold Buffum, of New York. 

New York, 3d mo. 12th, 1850. 
Dear Friends : It would give me great pleasure to meet my brethren in a 
Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, especially where the subject to be consid- 
ered is that of the individual responsibility of members of organized bodies pro- 
fesBing to be the followers of Him who came "to preach deliverance to the cap- 
tives, and to set at liberty them that are bound," which bodies neglect to exert 
their combined influence for the abolition of a system which converts a large 
portion of our own countrymen into despots, and a still larger portion into 
slaves. But as circumstances render it impracticable for me to commune with 
you in person, I will express in a few words some of the kindling emotions of 
my sonl. 

I desire to thank God, that by the powerful impressions of His Holy Spirit, 
He has brought some to realize our individual obligation, to repudiate the doc- 
trine of non-intervention, as exhibited in the character of the by-passing priest 
and Levite; and to labor to carry out in living practice, the principle inculca- 
ted in the story of the Good Samaritan, — that He has given us a timely warn- 
ing to avoid the penalty of inaction, by the statement of the case of the rich 
man, who clothed in purple and fine linen, and faring sumptuously everjday, 
neglected the sufifering condition of poor Lazarus, who was lying at his gate 
full of sores, desiring the crumbs which fell from the rich man's table. * * 

God has awakened in the hearts of his devoted children a strong conviction 
of their individual duty to remember them that are in bonds as bound with 
them; and to labor with untiring firmness to produce that correction of the 
public sentiment which will break every yoke and let the oppressed go free- 
He has impressed our Jminds with the solemn truth, that " the wicked shall 
be turned into hell, with all the nations that forget God, /or the needy shall not 
always be forgotten, the expectation of the poor shall not perish forever." He 
has brought us to realize that it would be criminal to violate His sacred injunc- 
tion, " Thou Shalt not deliver unto ids master the servant that is escaped from 



[ 83 ] 

his master unto thee, but he shall dwell with thee in the pUce which he shall 
choose, in one of thy gates which it liketh him best, thou shalt not oppress him." 
We have been led most seriously to meditate on the declaration of the Messiah, 
that in the day of judgment so rapidly approaching us all, the ground of jus- 
tification will be, having administered kindness and mercy to the hungry, the 
thirsty, the stranger, the naked, the sick, and the imprisoned; and on the other 
hand, the cause that will be assigned for the condemnation of any soul will be 
the omission of acts of benevolence, humanity and love, to the needy and the 
distressed. What shall Ave then say to those with whom we have been asso 
ciated in religious fellowship, who oppose all active participation in the efforts 
now in progress, for the restoration of their God-given rights to our enslaved 
countrymen ? 

When I take into consideration the fact so evident throughout the world, 
that the popular customs in every community, constitute the surrounding in- 
fluences in the formation of the character and sentiment of each succeeding 
generation, I can readily concede, that persons born and trained up to matu 
rity of character, in the midst of a slaveholding community, may be so indoc- 
trinated in aristocratic sentiments as to believe that there is one class made to 
rule and another to serve; persons so educated may become Christians, and 
still remain in darkness as to the duty of emancipating their enslaved breth 
ren. But with regenerated men who have been trained under favorable influ- 
ences, where the principle of equality of rights is universally inculcated, and 
where all are free, the case is entirely different. Every honest man, who has 
been trained in a land of liberty, when he becomes a Christian, will feel him- 
self called to the labor of opening his mouth for the dumb; he will know it to 
be his duty to plead for the suft'ering millions who are not permitted to plead 
for themselves; he will not dare to " settle down in the quiet," while under the 
lurisdiction of his own sovereignty, unborn millions are doomed to hopeless 
Dondage, degradation, ignorance and woe. He knows that oppression is a vio- 
lation of God's law, and that for him to neglect the cause of the oppressed, is 
like burying his talent in the earth; he knows that it must place him on the list 
of those who gave no meat to the hungry, drink to thethirsty, clothing to the 
naked, neither relieved those who were unjustly imprisoned. I consider, 
therefore, that an organized church in a non-slaveholding State which does not 
co-operate with the friends of humanity, in the labor of so converting the pub- 
lic sentiment as to work the deliver.ance of the oppressed from bondage, is 
more guilty in the sight of God, than are the churches in the South, where the 
oppressor and the oppressed unite in devotional services, and commune at the 
same table. The church of the North holds in its hands the destiny of our 
land; it has the power under God to make it a land [o{ freedom or a land of 
slaveholders and slaves. If unborn millions are to live and die in slavery, it 
is because the professed followers of Christ in the non-slaveholding States neg- 
lect to come up to the work of delivering our nation from this crying sin. 

I desire that an address may be prepared, and sent to every christian profes- 
sor, presenting to their understanding and conscience these fundamental truths. 
in such clear and forcible manner, as may bring all to unite as one common 
brotherhood, on the platform of that pure and undefiled religion which leads 
to commiseration with the needy and the distressed. 

May the time soon come when professing Christians shall all realize that this 
is the only platform on which we can enjoy a well grounded hope of a glorious 
immortality and eternal life; and thus may the year of jubilee be brought to 
the generation of the enslaved, who are our fellow pilgrims, journeying side 
by side with us to the eternal world, — may we go with them to Abraham's 
bosom, having relieved them from oppression and wrong, and may we there 
unite with them in the enjoyment of that liberty with which Christ makes all 
his children free. 

Affectionat^lv, vour brother in the bonds of the oppressed, 

ARNOLD BUFFUM. 



From Rev. J. Rankin, of the Free Presbyterian Church, Ripley, Ohio. 

RirLEY, April 13, 1850. 
To the President of the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention: 

Bear Sir: Nothavin •; an opportunity of being at the Convention over which 
you preside, I desire, through you to express to the members of that body my 
cordial approbation of the objects for which they have convened. One of 



[ 84 ] 



which is, that of considering the connexion of the American Church with the 
sin of slaveholcling. And another, that of adopting measures for freeing her 
from the sin resulting from such connection. 

The connection of the American Church with slaveholding is such as 
gives to the system of Slavery its principal support. She is the "pillar 
and ground" of Slavery, as the apostolic church was " of the truth." She 
gives to it the highest sanction possible. A large proportion of her minis- 
ters, her elders and lier private members, are slaveholders. They buy and 
sell and hold human beings as if beasts of the field. Among her ministers 
and members are found the ablest advocates of slaveholding. Graham, 
Junkin and Hodge, professed ministers of the gospel, stand in the front 
rank of those who advocate the rightfulness of slaveholding. No small 
amount of the best talent of the American Church has been employed to 
show that the Scriptures justify slaveliolding, and that of course it is con- 
sistent with Christian character and profession. Tlie Churcli, by admitting 
slaveholders to her communion and to her sacred offices, and by suffering 
her ministers to teach that Slavery is a Bible institution, and fully sus- 
tained by the sacred oracles, has done more than all the world beside, to 
i-econcile to it the consciences of men; to make it honorable, and render it 
permanent. We may truly affirm that the American Church is responsible 
for the existence of Slavery in this nation, and for the consequent ignor- 
ance, vice, cruelty, blood and crime. It may be confidently asserted, that 
such a system of wickedness could not have taken root and grown up 
under the faithful application of the gospel. And if the Church would 
now unitedly lift her voice against it, no power on earth could secure its 
existence. Under the light and heat of the gospel rays, it would pass away 
as darkness before the rising sun. In a republic like this, the Church can, 
by unitedly bringing lier influences to bear upon it, abolish any wicked 
system of legislation. And consequently, the Church is responsible for all 
the unrighteous and oppressive laws in this nation. 

What, then, can be hoped for the Church while she lies under all the 
blood and crime of this government, under the oppressions of which millions 
have perished, and three millions now are bought and sold as if they were 
mere animals; the rights of man-iage are abolished; husbands and wives, par- 
ents and children, are torn asunder, and separated never to meet again on earth! 
With little excciJtion, they have no Sabbaths, no churches, no Bibles, and by 
heavy penalties they are prohibited from being taught to read a sentence in the 
word of life! 

To devise measures to liberate the Church from a connection involving her 
in guilt and crime so horrible, is an object worthy of the highest efforts of the 
aobelst minds, and consequently it does not become me to dictate to a large 
and respectable body what measures shall be adopted; I desire simply to make 
a few suggestions for consideration. 

1st. Should there not be arrangements made for a systematic circulation of well 
written tracts on the sin and responsibility of the Church in relation to Slavery? 
2d. Is it not Ihc duty of all Christians to separate from all church organiza- 
tions that admit slaveholders to communion? 

3d. Ought there not to be an evangelical alliance formed by the several 
Christian bodies that exclude slaveholders from communion? And should 
they not hold a convention annually to devise measures for operating against 
the sin of slaveholding? 

May the Father of the Universe preside over the Convention and lead it to 
make rightful decisions. JOHN RANKIN. 

EXPLANATION. 
The Committee of Publication have not been able to avail themselves of the labors 
of the Reporter employed by the Convention, for two reasons ; 

1. The insertion of his report, they found, would swell the expense of ihia pamphlet 
entirely beyond what the funds placed at their disposal, were sufficient to meet. 

2. A part of the Reporter's manuscript, through some miscarriage, has never reach- 
ed the Committee. 

Errata.— On page 29, for Reo. S. K. Stnead, read Jiev. S, K. Snead. 

On p. 34, near the top, for real religious instruction, read oral religious instruction. 

Page 31. In justice to our Wesley an brethren, it ought to be known that they have 
now three faithful missionaries in the Southern States, stemming the tide of slave- 
holding iniquity, with faithfulness and success. This fact did not occur to the writer, 



when He penned the sentence respecting Mr. Fee- ^^ ^^ 



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